Wednesday, June 12, 2024

A return to an era of genuine coalitions

1 of 2 Social split: While the BJP continues to hold on to the votes of the rich, the middle class seems to be less intense in its support.AP The 2024 Lok Sabha elections reflected a nuanced political landscape with the ruling party facing setbacks in key States; despite retaining strong support among certain demographics, the BJP’s inability to secure a majority underscores a return to genuine coalition politics, reshaping power dynamics and future governance strategies in India SANDEEP SHASTRI SUHAS PALSHIKAR SANJAY KUMAR As the results of the 2024 elections came trickling in, it was clear that the ‘silent’ voter had spoken quite strongly. The march of the ruling party, that was confident of a third term in office was halted in its tracks and had to claim a mandate under the wider cloak of the alliance it was leading. As the results settled, the ruling party was downplaying its own (under) performance and highlighting the majority secured by the coalition. The Opposition alliance led by the Congress is just 60 seats behind the ruling coalition in the new Lok Sabha. Two important distinctions were visible in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the Indian National Developmental, Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) coalition. Firstly, the composition of the two alliances: the BJP accounted for 80% of the NDA coalition while the Congress was a little over 40% of the INDIA coalition. The number of those not part of either coalition had shrunk to 18. Secondly, the number of the non-BJP NDA had risen to 53 (compared to 50 in 2019) and the BJP had fallen by over 63 seats. In other words, the NDA shrank because its main anchor has failed to perform adequately. In the case of INDIA, it was a newly founded alliance — though somewhat of a revised United Progressive Alliance (UPA). The Congress saw an 80% rise in seats from 52 to 99. The other parties in the INDIA alliance also saw a rise in their share of seats. Principal among them were the Samajwadi Party and the Trinamool Congress. Thus, for INDIA, almost every member benefitted and contributed to its overall performance. The decline in the seats of the BJP was largely on account of its performance in the Hindi heartland States of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar and the reversals it faced in Maharashtra, Karnataka and West Bengal. It made up for some of these losses in Telangana and Odisha but the recoveries were far less than its deficits. The CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey 2024, provides some insights into understanding the twists and turns that explain the electoral outcomes. The support and opposition to a third term were clearly on party lines. Those who favoured re-electing the BJP justified the same based on the leadership of PM, the perceived good governance and the development of the country. Meanwhile, most of those who opposed a third term for the incumbent government mentioned unemployment and price rise as the key reasons. This polarisation is reflected in the results. More than three-fourths of those fully satisfied with the government voted for the BJP and its allies. Half of those somewhat satisfied with the incumbent government voted for the NDA. More than three-fourths of those fully dissatisfied with the performance of the BJP government voted for the Congress and its allies. Close to half the respondents indicated that they voted for a party while a little over one-third focused on the candidate. Just one of every 10 kept the leadership factor in mind. There is a clear five percentage point decline, in the preference for Mr. Modi as the Prime Minister if one were to compare the 2024 and 2019 figures. The gap between Mr. Modi and Rahul Gandhi as the preferred Prime Minister in 2024, has fallen by nine percentage points as compared to 2019. For those who voted for the BJP and its allies, the impact of Mr. Modi’s leadership continued to be high. One out of every four BJP voters said that they would have changed the way they voted if Mr. Modi were not the Prime Ministerial candidate of the BJP. These numbers have declined as compared to 2019. The main factor in the BJP campaign this time around had a much lesser impact as compared to the previous election. One did notice a very heated election campaign with a lot of charges and counter charges being made. It is important to record that two-thirds of the respondents reported deciding on who to vote for only after the candidates were announced. Nearly one-fourth said that they took this call on the day of voting or a few days before voting. This does imply that the issues raised in the campaign, the assurances held out by parties and the attack on their rivals could well have impacted their final decision. It is important to note that economic issues were a focus of the campaign. The post-poll survey also points out distinct demographic factors that impacted voting patterns. The BJP appeared to have a higher percentage of support among the younger voters while the vote for the Congress and its allies was spread across age groups. The BJP vote share rises among those with greater access to education while in the case of the Congress and its allies, the support is uniform across education levels. While the BJP continues to hold on to the votes of the rich, the middle class seems to be less intense in its support. When there is a somewhat ambiguous verdict, when voters are more evenly spread across parties and when any party fails to get a clear ‘mandate’, the support for parties across different social sections is also somewhat flatly distributed. This election outcome manifests this fact. Electoral support The BJP did well in the south and the east making it a more evenly spread party across the country. But in the process, it also lost crucial support in the States of north India. Therefore, different social coalitions have propped up both the BJP and its opponents in different States. This means that the ongoing process of nationalisation of the social base of the BJP has slightly halted and altered. The BJP would now find itself in a situation where its voters are coming from disparate social groups in different States. However, there are two baseline features of its electoral support for the BJP. One is its continued limitation in reaching out to the minorities and the other is its extra-ordinarily strong base among the upper castes. This time too, as in 2019, more than half of the upper caste voters have reportedly voted the BJP. The 2024 election indicates a return to the phase of genuine coalition politics. We did have a coalition government for the last decade. That was, however, a coalition with a dominant party with a majority of its own. The BJP then could give a notional representation to its allies in the Union Council of Ministers. This time around the allies of the BJP in the NDA would expect a fairer share of places in the Ministry as also the key portfolios. 

https://epaper.thehindu.com/ccidist-ws/th/th_kolkata/issues/85671/OPS/G49CT0RE6.1+GQSCT0S9J.1.html

Evaluating govt.’s performance and its impact 

1 of 6 VIBHA ATTRI NAMAN JAJU As the dust settles on the 2024 general elections, an intricate tapestry of voter sentiment and political dynamics emerges, shedding light on how the BJP was left stranded for a majority. According to the CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey 2024, there was general satisfaction with the Union government’s performance, though it has declined compared to 2019. This time, about six in 10 respondents reported being fully or partly satisfied with the Modi government, a six percentage point decline from 2019 (Table 1). The construction of the Ram Mandir was reported as the most favoured initiative, appreciated by over two of every 10 (22%) respondent. One in 10 voters cited the promotion of Hindutva and the elevation of India’s international standing as the government’s most commendable achievements (Table 2). As can be imagined, satisfaction on account of religious and cultural initiatives rather than core economic performance must have cost the party. 54% of those who appreciated the Ram Mandir construction voted for the BJP. Similarly, 41% of those who favoured poverty reduction initiatives supported the BJP (Table 3). One-seventh (14%) of the respondents said that they did not like any work of the Modi government in the last five years. Nearly a quarter of the electorate cited price rise and unemployment as the most disliked work of the Union government’s performance. Additionally, one in 10 highlighted poverty. According to the pre-poll survey conducted by CSDS-Lokniti, 27% of voters identified unemployment as a significant issue. Similarly, concerns about price rise have surged to 23% in 2024. Additionally, 8% of respondents reported increasing communalism/religious conflicts as the most disliked aspect of the government’s performance. Though the BJP retained some support from voters who identified rising prices, unemployment, and poverty as their primary concerns, the combined opposition effectively attracted a significant portion of these voters (Table 5). The data shows that fully satisfied voters predominantly supported the BJP and its allies, with eight in 10 such voters voting for the NDA alliance. However, among those who were dissatisfied to some degree with the work done by the NDA, a significant portion voted for the INDIA bloc or other Opposition parties. This cumulative dissatisfaction with key issues ultimately tipped the scales against the BJP, explaining the drop in vote share and seats in these elections. The authors are researchers at Lokniti-CSDS NDA wins, performance pays 1 of 2 DEVESH KUMAR RISHIKESH YADAV Voters often support the parties in the expectation of getting particular services, and when governments fail to fulfil these expectations, these voters turn to alternative appeals. At times, when governments fulfil those promises, the voters reward those parties handsomely. The 2024 results indicate, that in pockets the incumbent Union government has been rewarded by the voters, leading them to vote in favour of the BJP-led NDA government. Historically, when voters were satisfied with the performance of incumbent governments, they were often re-elected, barring the notable exception of 2004, where despite reasonably high levels of support, the incumbent government lost the elections. In both the pre and post-poll surveys of 2024, (44% & 46% respectively), little less than half of the respondents have indicated that the BJP-led NDA should be given be given another chance (Table 1). The main reasons why the NDA coalition was given a chance include government development work, leadership, good governance and welfare schemes. One-fifth of the respondents have indicated Narendra Modi’s leadership as one of the prime reasons. The lack of alternatives also played a role, with five per cent choosing the NDA government due to lack of options. Another one in every 10 voters said that they had good welfare schemes (Table 2). A lot of issues remain unaddressed by the incumbent government. These issues discouraged the voters from supporting the current dispensation. For instance, unemployment was an issue for voters during the pre-poll. But the campaign, on account of the promises of employment resonating with voters, reduced this proportion in the post-poll (Table 3). Satisfaction with the NDA’s performance led many to give it another chance, while discontent shows that voters have exercised restraint, by not giving the BJP a clear majority on its own. The authors are researchers at Lokniti-CSDS

 https://epaper.thehindu.com/ccidist-ws/th/th_kolkata/issues/85671/OPS/G49CT0RE6.1+GQSCT0S9M.1.html

Personal financial conditions played key role in voting choice 

1 of 5 People who felt their economic situation had worsened were more likely to have voted for Opposition, while those who felt the situation remained unchanged divided their votes almost equally between the ruling regime and the challenging party SANJEER ALAM In democracies, economic currents often sway voters. With India’s economic rise, the state of national economy has come to occupy centre stage of political and public debates. Economic issues such as growth, unemployment, inflation, rural distress, and so on figured prominently in political debates in the run-up to the Lok Sabha election. While the ruling party or alliance flaunted the impressive GDP numbers and new economic initiatives aimed at benefiting people, the Opposition bloc’s campaign remained focused on unemployment, price rise, and other forms of economic distress. Tapping into the downside of the economy, the Congress carefully crafted a package called the Nyay (justice), to be able to reach out to vulnerable sections. For ordinary voters, complex macro-economic numbers may not mean much, but they have a fair sense of what they have gone through economically. Given this, it is people’s assessment of personal or household’s financial conditions rather than their perception about the performance of national economy that is expected to play an important role in shaping voting choice. The idea of “pocketbook” voting holds that those who feel economically secure or have experienced improvement in their financial well-being are more likely to vote for the candidates of the ruling regime. Conversely, individuals facing economic hardship, job loss, or financial instability may seek to punish the incumbent. Rural-urban divide So, in this election, how did people feel about their personal/household economic/financial conditions? Did it influence their voting preference? If so, to what extent? The CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey helps us answer these questions. As per the survey findings, only four of 10 respondents felt that their personal/household financial conditions improved over the past five years. This means that the economic condition of households of a great majority of people either remained unchanged or worsened. Interestingly, this number is about as great as it was in 2019. A closer look at the data indicates that a significant number of respondents actually experienced their economic conditions worsen. Compared with 2019, this number increased a bit. What this implies is that achchhe din (good days) could not expand its reach during the past five years (Table 1). Who are those whose economic fortune improved or worsened? Economic processes are likely to affect sub-groups of voters differentially as their sources of livelihood and income markedly differ. An interesting pattern can be observed in rural and urban settings, the two spatially polarised contexts in terms of sources of livelihood and income. Data show that more rural voters than their urban counterparts felt that their economic conditions had improved. At the other end of the scale representing economic distress, the percentage of urban voters exceeded, though marginally, that of rural voters. The data also show that the processes of economic development have impacted different economic classes differentially. While half of the rich respondents said their economic conditions had improved, the corresponding figure for the poor was as low as 37%. A larger fraction of the poor than others saw their economic fortunes decline (Table 2). The way people perceived their economic conditions appear to have played an important role in shaping their political preferences. Data reveal that those whose economic conditions remained unchanged divided their votes almost equally between the ruling regime and the challenging party/alliance. However, those who experienced their economic conditions worsen had a clear preference for the Opposition camp. More than half of them would have voted for the Congress and its allies as against 23% for the BJP and its allies. Conversely, most of those whose economic conditions had improved said they voted for the BJP-led NDA (Table 3). A negative outlook That key economic issues, such as personal economic well-being, mattered in the election is confirmed when we go back and take a look at other indicators as well. In the pre-poll survey held a couple of months ago, three of 10 respondents were of the view that the BJP-led NDA government worked for the benefits of the rich. About 15% of the respondents had held that there was no development at all during the past five years. Unsurprisingly, those who held a negative view of the ruling regime had expressed their intention to vote for Congress and its allies (Table 4). In sum, over the past five years, economic conditions of many people did not improve. A fairly large fraction of people actually saw their economic conditions worsen. Since this is only a preliminary bivariate result, it is difficult to say how much of a role personal economic conditions play in shaping final electoral outcomes. But it is quite clear that people’s assessment of their own economic conditions made a large difference in the voting choice. Sanjeer Alam is Associate Professor at CSDS We argue that BJP might not have lost greatly among many social sections. Yet, the losses at the State level among various social sections pushed the BJP below the majority mark and also denied any addition to its overall vote share. Secondly, the drop in BJP’s seat share has brought the era of coalitions back to the centre of power equations. These developments slow down the process of BJP becoming a dominant party that it had almost become during the last decade. Modi factor seems to have stagnated over a decade 1 of 4 SANDEEP SHASTRI Ever since the rise of Narendra Modi on the national scene in 2014, his leadership has attracted voters to the BJP on a considerable scale. The electoral strategy of the BJP (and the NDA) in the 2024 polls was to make Mr. Modi’s leadership the face of their campaign. However, the Opposition alliance consciously did not declare a Prime Ministerial face. The CSDS-Lokniti data indicate the possible impact of the leadership factor in shaping the electoral outcome. Fading popularity Mr. Modi remained in the lead as voters’s choice to become Prime Minister. A little over four in 10 respondents (41%) stated that their preferred Prime Ministerial choice was Narendra Modi. Rahul Gandhi was mentioned by a little over one-fourth (27%) of the respondents as their preferred choice (See Table 1). It may be important to record that the question on preferred Prime Ministerial choice has been asked during earlier elections also. This time, there was a six-percentage point decline in the mention of Narendra Modi as the Prime Ministerial choice compared with 2019. The gap between Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi as the preferred Prime Ministerial choice has fallen by eight percentage points. (Table 2). Was there any impact of the Prime Ministerial preference in the decision on voting? Six in 10 respondents (60%) reported that it had an impact on the voting decision. Three-fourths of the respondents who reported voting for the BJP mentioned that it had an impact with as high as four in 10 saying that it had a great impact.The impact of the leadership factor in determining voter preference was much less among those who voted for the Congress and its allies. (Table 3). The post-poll surveys have been tapping the response to whether there would have been any change in voting preference if Narendra Modi was not the Prime Ministerial candidate. When this question was asked in 2014, a little over one-fourth (27%) of those who voted for the BJP said that they would have changed the way they voted. In 2019, two-thirds (32%) took this stand. This time, one-fourth (25%) said that they would have changed the way they voted if Mr. Modi was not the Prime Ministerial candidate. Clearly, the initial ability of the Modi factor to make voters move to the BJP seems to have stagnated over the decade. Sandeep Shastri is Director-Academics, NITTE Education Trust, and the National Coordinator of the Lokniti Network
 https://epaper.thehindu.com/ccidist-ws/th/th_kolkata/issues/85671/OPS/G49CT0RE7.1+GSSCT1SK0.1.html

Sandeep Shastri is the National Coordinator of the Lokniti Network Suhas Palshikar is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics Sanjay Kumar is Co-director Lokniti-CSDS

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