Thursday, February 19, 2026

അമർത്യാ സെന്നും അലവലാതി ആവുമോ ?

വിഷൻ 31 സെമിനാറിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കരുത് എന്നും പറഞ്ഞ് അമർത്യാ സെൻ ഉൾപ്പെടുള്ളവർക്ക് കത്തയച്ച
രമേശ് ചെന്നിത്തലയടക്കം ഇത് കേൾക്കണം

“കേരളത്തിന്റെ മനുഷ്യവിഭവശേഷി വികസനത്തെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള എന്റെ പ്രതീക്ഷകൾ തെറ്റിയില്ല എന്നതിൽ എനിക്ക് വലിയ  സന്തോഷമുണ്ട്” 
അമർത്യ സെൻ പറയുന്നു. 

വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം, ആരോഗ്യം, സാമൂഹിക സഹകരണം എന്നിവയിലൂടെ മനുഷ്യവിഭവ ശേഷി വികസിപ്പിച്ച് കേരളം കൈവരിച്ചത്  അതിശയിപ്പിക്കുന്ന നേട്ടങ്ങളാണ്, അമർത്യ സെൻ പറഞ്ഞു. ഇന്നലെ കേരള സംസ്ഥാന ആസൂത്രണ ബോർഡ് സംഘടിപ്പിച്ച വിഷൻ 31 എന്ന സെമിനാറിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കുകയായിരുന്നു അദ്ദേഹം. 

കേരളത്തിന്റെ വികസന ചരിത്രത്തിൽ എപ്പോഴും കേൾക്കുന്ന പേരാണ് അമർത്യ സെന്നിന്റേത്. കേരള മാതൃക എന്ന പ്രയോഗം പോലും വികസന സംജ്ഞകളിൽ വന്നതിൽ അദ്ദേഹത്തിന് വലിയ പ്രാധാന്യമുണ്ട്. കേരളം രൂപം കൊണ്ടിട്ട് 75 വർഷം തികയുന്ന 2031ൽ കേരളം എങ്ങനെ ആയിരിക്കണം എന്നതായിരുന്നു വിഷൻ 31 ന്റെ പ്രധാന അന്വേഷണം.

“1956 ൽ കേരളം രൂപീകൃതമാകുമ്പോഴും 1957 ലെ ആദ്യ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് നടക്കുമ്പോഴും ഞാൻ കൽക്കട്ടയിൽ ആയിരുന്നു. അക്കാലത്തെ ആവേശം ഇന്നും ഞാൻ ഓർക്കുന്നു. വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം, ആരോഗ്യ പരിരക്ഷ, സാമൂഹിക സഹകരണം എന്നിവയിലൂടെ യാഥാസ്ഥിതികമല്ലാതെ, പരീക്ഷണാത്മകമായി മാനവ പുരോഗതിയിലേക്ക് നയിക്കാൻ കേരളത്തിലെ ഇടത് രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന് കഴിയുമോ എന്ന് അന്ന് കോളേജ് സ്ട്രീറ്റിലെ കോഫി ഹൗസുകളിൽ വലിയ സംവാദങ്ങൾ നടക്കുമായിരുന്നു.” അമർത്യ സെൻ ഓർക്കുന്നു.
“സാമ്പത്തികമായി പിന്നാക്കം നിൽക്കുന്ന കേരളത്തിന് വികസനത്തിനായി പണം കണ്ടെത്താൻ കഴിയില്ലെന്ന് പലരും അന്ന് എന്നോട് വാദിച്ചിരുന്നത് ഞാൻ ഓര്‍ക്കുന്നു. എന്നാൽ ഇന്ന് പ്രതിശീർഷ വരുമാനത്തിലും, ദാരിദ്ര്യ നിർമ്മാർജ്ജനത്തിലും, ആയുർ ദൈർഘ്യത്തിലും, ആരോഗ്യ-വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ മേഖലകളിലും കേരളം മുൻപന്തിയിൽ നിൽക്കുമ്പോൾ ആ പഴയ സംശയ വാദികൾക്കെല്ലാം സൗജന്യമായി കോഫി വാങ്ങി നൽകാൻ ഞാൻ തയ്യാറാണ്.”

“പ്രായം കൂടുന്തോറും യൗവനകാലത്ത് ഞാൻ മുറുകെ പിടിച്ചിരുന്ന ആശയങ്ങൾ ഇന്നും അതേ പോലെ നിലനിര്‍ത്താന്‍ സാധിക്കുന്നുണ്ടോ എന്ന് ഞാൻ എന്നോട് തന്നെ ചോദിക്കാറുണ്ട്.” സെൻ പറഞ്ഞു: “എല്ലാ ആശയങ്ങളും അങ്ങനെ തന്നെ നിലനിര്‍ത്താന്‍ കഴിഞ്ഞിട്ടില്ലെന്ന് ഞാന്‍ ഭയപ്പെടുന്നു. ഉദാഹരണത്തിന്, ഇന്ത്യയിലെ മതേതരത്വത്തിന്റെ അചഞ്ചലമായ കരുത്തിനെ കുറിച്ചുള്ള എന്റെ ആത്മവിശ്വാസം അല്പം കുറഞ്ഞിട്ടുണ്ട്. ഈ മഹാരാജ്യത്തിന് മേൽ സംഘടിതമായി അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന സങ്കുചിത ചിന്താഗതികളെ നാം എങ്ങനെ ചെറുക്കുന്നു എന്നതിനെ ആശ്രയിച്ചിരിക്കും മതനിരപേക്ഷതയുടെ ഭാവി.”

“എങ്കിലും, എന്റെ ചില പഴയ ബോധ്യങ്ങൾ ഇന്നും എന്നിലുണ്ട്, അവ പണ്ടത്തെ പോലെ തന്നെ ശക്തവുമാണ്. ഈ ആശയങ്ങൾ പൊതുവില്‍ കേരളത്തിന്റെ ചരിത്രവുമായും പ്രത്യേകിച്ച് സ്വതന്ത്ര കേരളത്തിന്റെ രൂപീകരണവുമായും ഏറെ ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടു നിൽക്കുന്നു. പ്രധാനമായും ചരിത്രത്തിൽ നിന്ന് തന്നെ തുടങ്ങാം; പതിനാലാം നൂറ്റാണ്ടിൽ വളരെ ദൂരെയുള്ള ആഫ്രിക്കയിൽ നടന്ന ചർച്ചകളിൽ കേരളം പരാമർശിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരുന്നു എന്നത് അത്ഭുതകരമായി തോന്നാം. പക്ഷേ അത് സംഭവിച്ചു; 1304 ൽ ടാൻജിയറിൽ ജനിച്ച പ്രശസ്ത പണ്ഡിതനും സഞ്ചാരിയുമായ ഇബ്നു ബത്തൂത്ത, ഇന്നത്തെ ഘാനയ്ക്കും മാലിക്കും ഇടയിലുള്ള ഇവാൾട്ടൻ എന്ന രാജ്യം സന്ദർശിച്ചപ്പോൾ അവിടുത്തെ സ്ത്രീകളുടെ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യവും അവരുടെ സാമൂഹിക പദവിയും സ്വത്തവകാശവും കണ്ട് അതിശയിച്ചു പോയി. സ്ത്രീകളുടെ തുല്യതയെ അംഗീകരിക്കാതിരുന്ന ബത്തൂത്ത, മറ്റ് രാജ്യങ്ങളിലെ സ്ത്രീകളുടെ അടിച്ചമർത്തപ്പെട്ട അവസ്ഥയുമായി താരതമ്യം ചെയ്ത് ഇവാൾട്ടനിലെ സ്ത്രീകൾക്ക് ലഭിച്ചിരുന്ന സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യത്തോട് വിയോജിക്കുകയാണ് ചെയ്തത്. 

സ്ത്രീകളുടെ അവകാശങ്ങളും മരുമക്കത്തായവും ഇത്തരത്തിൽ ഉയർത്തിപ്പിടിക്കുന്നത് തന്റെ യാത്രകൾക്കിടയിൽ മറ്റൊരിടത്ത് മാത്രമേ കണ്ടിട്ടുള്ളൂ എന്ന് അദ്ദേഹം രേഖപ്പെടുത്തിയിട്ടുണ്ട്. ആ സ്ഥലം ഇന്ത്യയിലെ കേരളമായിരുന്നു.”

“കേരളത്തിന്റെ സമീപകാലത്തെ സാമൂഹിക-സാമ്പത്തിക പുരോഗതിയിൽ സ്ത്രീകൾ വഹിച്ച പങ്കിനെ കുറിച്ച് ധാരാളം എഴുതപ്പെട്ടിട്ടുണ്ട്. എന്നാൽ കേരളം നമുക്ക് നൽകുന്നത് കേവലം ആധുനിക അനുഭവങ്ങൾ മാത്രമല്ല, അതിന് പിന്നിലുള്ള ശക്തമായ ചരിത്ര പശ്ചാത്തലം കൂടിയാണ്.”

“ലോകത്തിന് മുന്നിൽ കേരളം പുലർത്തിയ തുറന്ന സമീപനമാണ് മറ്റൊരു ചരിത്ര നേട്ടം. ഇന്ത്യയുടെ ബൗദ്ധികമായ മഹത്വം വിഘടന കാഴ്ചപ്പാടായ സനാതന പാരമ്പര്യത്തില്‍ നിന്നാണെന്ന തരത്തിൽ ഇന്ന് പല പ്രചാരണങ്ങളും നടക്കുന്നുണ്ട്. പുരാതന ഇന്ത്യയിൽ വലിയ ബൗദ്ധിക നേട്ടങ്ങൾ ഉണ്ടായിട്ടുണ്ട് എന്നത് സത്യമാണ്, പക്ഷേ അവയൊന്നും പുറത്തു നിന്നുള്ള ആശയങ്ങളെ അവയുടെ ഉറവിടം നോക്കി തള്ളിക്കളഞ്ഞു കൊണ്ടായിരുന്നില്ല.” “അറിവുകൾ പരസ്പരം പങ്കുവെക്കുന്ന രീതിക്ക് മികച്ച ഉദാഹരണമാണ് പുരാതന ഇന്ത്യൻ ഗണിതശാസ്ത്ര ചരിത്രം. ഇന്ന് 'വേദഗണിതം' എന്ന പേരിൽ പല വലിയ അവകാശവാദങ്ങളും ഉയരുന്നുണ്ടെങ്കിലും, ഏകദേശം രണ്ടായിരം വർഷങ്ങൾക്ക് മുമ്പ് ഗ്രീക്ക്-ബാബിലോണിയൻ ഗണിത ശാസ്ത്രത്തിന്റെ സ്വാധീനത്തോടെയാണ് ഇന്ത്യൻ ഗണിത ശാസ്ത്രം യഥാർത്ഥത്തിൽ വളർന്നത്. ഇന്ത്യയിൽ രൂപപ്പെട്ട ഈ ഗണിതശാസ്ത്ര ഫലങ്ങൾ പിന്നീട് അറബിക്, ചൈനീസ്, യൂറോപ്യൻ ഗണിതശാസ്ത്ര മേഖലകളെ വലിയ രീതിയിൽ സ്വാധീനിച്ചു (യൂറോപ്പിന്റെ കാര്യത്തിൽ പ്രധാനമായും അറബിക് അറിവിന്റെ വിന്യാസത്തിലൂടെ). 

ഈ മാറ്റത്തിലെ ഏറ്റവും പ്രധാനി അഞ്ചാം നൂറ്റാണ്ടിൽ പാടലീപുത്രത്തിൽ (ഇന്നത്തെ പാട്ന) ജീവിച്ചിരുന്ന ആര്യഭടനായിരുന്നു; അദ്ദേഹം കേരളത്തിൽ നിന്നുള്ളയാളാണെന്ന് വിശ്വസിക്കാൻ വ്യക്തമായ തെളിവുകളുണ്ട്, കാരണം അക്കാലത്ത് കേരളത്തിൽ സ്വദേശത്തും വിദേശത്തും പ്രശസ്തരായ ഒട്ടേറെ ഗണിതശാസ്ത്രജ്ഞരും ജ്യോതിശാസ്ത്രജ്ഞരും ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു.”

“ഒന്നാം നൂറ്റാണ്ട് മുതൽ തന്നെ ജൂതന്മാർ, ക്രിസ്ത്യാനികൾ, മുസ്ലീം വ്യാപാരികൾ (വടക്കുപടിഞ്ഞാറൻ ഭാഗത്തു നിന്നുള്ള ആക്രമണകാരികൾ വരുന്നതിനും എത്രയോ മുമ്പ്), പാഴ്സികൾ, ഒടുവിൽ ബഹായികൾ വരെ കേരളത്തിൽ എത്തിയിരുന്നു. കേരളം ഇന്ത്യയുടെ പ്രവേശന കവാടമായി പ്രവർത്തിച്ചത് ഇന്ത്യയ്ക്ക് മൊത്തത്തിൽ ഗുണകരം ആയതിനൊപ്പം, കേരളത്തിനെ ഒരു പരീക്ഷണാത്മകവും തുറന്ന മനസ്സുള്ളതുമായ ഒന്നായി മാറ്റുന്നതിലും വലിയ പങ്കുവഹിച്ചു എന്നതാണ് എന്റെ വാദം.”

“എങ്കിലും മതനിരപേക്ഷതയുടെ സുരക്ഷയും പുരോഗതിയും കൂടി ഇതിനോടൊപ്പം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നെങ്കിൽ എനിക്ക് കൂടുതൽ സന്തോഷം ആകുമായിരുന്നു. കേരളത്തിൽ മതനിരപേക്ഷതയ്ക്ക് വലിയ വെല്ലുവിളികൾ ഇല്ലെങ്കിലും ഇന്ത്യയുടെ മറ്റു പല ഭാഗങ്ങളിലും സ്ഥിതി വഷളായിട്ടുണ്ട്. എഴുപത്തഞ്ചാം വയസ്സിലേക്ക് കടക്കുന്ന കേരളം ഇന്ത്യയ്ക്ക് മൊത്തത്തിൽ ഇക്കാര്യത്തിലൊരു വലിയ സംഭാവന നൽകുമോ എന്ന് നമുക്ക് നോക്കാം.”
ശുഭപ്രതീക്ഷയോടെയാണ് അദ്ദേഹം പറഞ്ഞു നിർത്തിയത്.
(copied)

I Have a Dream” Speech by the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

I Have a Dream” Speech by the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. at the “March on Washington,”

1963 (excerpts)
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago a great American in whose symbolic shadow we stand today signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree is a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the  long night of their captivity. But 100 years later the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later the  life of the Negro is still badly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of  material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American 
society and finds himself in exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our Republic wrote 
the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a 
promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men—yes, 
black men as well as white men—would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. . . .
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protests to degenerate into physical violence. . . . The marvelous new militancy which has 
engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.

. . . We cannot walk alone. And as we walk we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of 
police brutality. 

We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their adulthood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “For Whites Only.” 

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and the Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. 

No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. . . .

I say to you today, my friends, though, even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that 
all men are created equal.” 

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day  even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of  oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream . . . I have a dream that one day in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of  interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today . . .

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning. “My country, ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountain side, let freedom ring.” And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that. Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every  mountain side. Let freedom ring . . . 

When we allow freedom to ring—when we let it ring from every city and every hamlet, from every state  and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, Free at last, Great God a-mighty, We are free at last.” 

Reprinted by arrangement with The Heirs to the Estate of Martin Luther King Jr., c/o Writers House as the proprietor New York, NY. Copyright: © 1963 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. © renewed 1991 Coretta Scott King.

ERADICATION OF EXTREME POVERTY IN KERALA

POVERTY IN KERALA 
The eradication of extreme poverty in Kerala 
has garnered international attention, marking a 
significant milestone in the state’s historic efforts 
to alleviate poverty since its formation. This 
experiment has also shown the world that there 
are alternative and speedy pathways to achieving 
this important goal, which are possible when 
governments demonstrate a resolute commitment 
to prioritising a pro-poor agenda. This achievement 
of Kerala assumes great importance in India, 
which has a long history of implementing targeted 
programmes to reduce poverty. 
The Government of India’s initiatives for poverty 
alleviation since independence could be classified 
under four categories: self-employment, wage-
employment, food-security, and social-security 
schemes. However, despite the large number of 
programmes and the significant resources invested 
in them, their overall impact has been limited. 
Many authors have noted that they were hindered 
by poor targeting and fragmented execution, 
resulting in an inability to address the underlying 
problem directly. As a result, a substantial 
segment of the population continues to live in 
poverty. Although recent national estimates of 
multidimensional poverty by NITI Aayog suggest 
that poverty in India has declined from 29.17 
per cent in 2013-14 to 11.28 per cent in 2022-23, 
these figures warrant cautious interpretation. Many 
authors have pointed out that these estimates are
based on NFHS 2020–21 data collected during 
the COVID-19 pandemic and may therefore not 
accurately reflect the actual poverty situation in 
the country. This implies that the country needs 
to focus more on realistic estimation of poverty 
and to reduce it in a time bound manner to ensure 
equitable growth, rather than the skewed and 
uneven growth model that currently predominates. 
Globally, it has been claimed that extreme poverty 
has been declining rapidly since 1990, lifting more 
than 1 billion people out of deprivation, according 
to the World Bank’s Poverty, Prosperity, and 
Planet report (2024). Accordingly, the world 
was closer than ever to ending extreme poverty 
by 2019. However, the COVID-19 pandemic 
and subsequent economic shocks have reversed 
this progress, and extreme poverty has risen for 
the first time in decades. In 2024, it is estimated 
that approximately 8.5 per cent of the world’s 
population-around 692 million people-still lived on 
less than $2.15 a day, with recent declines stalling 
due to slower economic growth, inflation, conflict, 
and fragility. It is evident that these disruptions 
would have likely influenced poverty levels in 
India, and consequently in Kerala, as the pandemic 
had a significant impact on both. 
It is in this context that Kerala’s experience 
with poverty reduction becomes particularly 
noteworthy. In fact, this marks a significan
milestone in the state’s ongoing commitment to 
the well-being of its people. As it is widely known, 
in Kerala, poverty reduction has been an integral 
part of economic policy since the formation of 
the first Ministry in 1957. Early government 
initiatives, including land reforms, a robust public 
distribution system, universal education, social 
security measures, and health services, laid a solid 
foundation for improving the lives of the poor. 
It was on this bedrock that later interventions, 
such as the comprehensive literacy campaign, 
democratic decentralisation, and a range of welfare 
measures, were able to take root and transform 
social outcomes. Over the last nearly three 
decades, Local Governments, in particular, have 
played a pivotal role in advancing this mission by 
implementing a broad spectrum of social welfare 
programmes on their own, alongside various 
thoughtfully devised state-sponsored schemes 
and a few centrally sponsored programmes. It is 
these multiple approaches adopted by successive 
governments that have substantially reduced 
poverty levels in the state, culminating in the 
declaration of the eradication of extreme poverty 
on November 1, 2025. 
Major initiatives for poverty alleviation in the 
past
As stated above, the state government has 
implemented several programmes for poverty 
alleviation, with varying results. Various poverty 
alleviation programmes sponsored by the 
central government have also been implemented 
from time to time. Among these efforts, the 
establishment of Kudumbasree was a major 
catalyst in Kerala’s poverty alleviation efforts, 
significantly strengthening community-based 
interventions. Kudumbasree originated with the 
rollout of the historic People’s Plan Campaign, 
which redefined the development paradigm of 
Kerala. Both the People’s Plan programme and 
the efforts of Kudumbasree have contributed 
significantly to poverty reduction, with the 
poor households being given opportunities for 
livelihood. 
One of the innovative poverty alleviation 
programmes implemented by the state government 
with the help of the Kudumbasree network 
was Ashraya, which was launched to address 
the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable-
destitute families and those with physical or mental 
disabilities-who often remained excluded from 
mainstream anti-poverty schemes and lacked the 
awareness or ability to claim their entitlements. 
By 2015, Ashraya had reached over 72,000 
families across nearly all local governments, with 
projects worth Rs. 4,107.6 million. However, the 
programme faced limitations, including a lack of 
ownership by local self-government institutions, 
a narrow focus on housing and food rather than 
comprehensive poverty alleviation, and insufficient 
community participation.
In 2017, Ashraya was restructured as Agathirahitha 
Keralam (Destitute-Free Kerala) to expand 
its scope and improve targeting. The revised 
framework broadened the criteria for vulnerability-
such as including fisherfolk along with SC/ST 
communities-and strengthened coordination 
between Kudumbashree, Local Governments, 
and other development departments. In this 
ongoing programme, Kudumbashree provides 
a challenge fund (40 per cent of the total project 
cost, up to Rs40 lakh for general projects and Rs 
50 lakh for ST projects), with the remaining funds 
contributed by Local Governments. Assistance 
is delivered through customised plans tailored 
to the specific needs of each household. Unlike 
the earlier version, Destitute-Free Kerala has 
also incorporated digital tools, including a mobile 
application for beneficiary identification and 
project preparation, enhancing both efficiency and 
transparency.
These sustained efforts have had a significant 
impact on reducing poverty in Kerala. Kerala’s 
absolute poverty ratio fell from 59.9 per cent 
in 1973–74 to 25.43 per cent in 1993–94, and 
further to 11.3 per cent by 2011–12. As of 2011–
12, rural poverty had decreased to 7.3%, while 
urban poverty remained at 15.3 per cent. The 
state has also consistently performed well on 
multidimensional poverty indicators. According to 
NITI Aayog’s inaugural Multidimensional Poverty 
Index (MPI) 2021, Kerala recorded the lowest 
multidimensional poverty levels in the country, 
with minimal deprivation across indicators such as 
child and adolescent mortality (0.19%), maternal 
health (1.73%), years of schooling (1.78%), 
school attendance (0.3%), and sanitation (1.86%). 
Only a small fraction of households experienced 
deprivation in nutrition, housing, drinking water, 
electricity, assets, or access to banking.
The progress continued in subsequent years. 
In NITI Aayog’s latest report, National 
Multidimensional Poverty Index: A Progressive
Review 2023, Kerala’s multidimensionally poor 
population further declined from 0.71% to 0.55% 
between 2015–16 and 2019–21, reaffirming the 
state’s position as a national leader in poverty 
alleviation.
Why the Extreme Poverty Eradication 
Programme?
Although Kerala has consistently performed 
better than most Indian states in reducing average 
poverty levels, a marginal section of its population 
has continued to experience extreme deprivation, 
requiring targeted interventions to overcome it. 
Viewed in the context of the broader global effort 
to eradicate extreme poverty, this persistence 
-despite Kerala’s comparatively strong social 
indicators-underscored the need for focused 
policies to ensure that the benefits of development 
reach those who remain most vulnerable.
Recognising this, the re-elected government 
resolved at its very first cabinet meeting on 20 
May 2021 to implement a five-year programme to 
eradicate extreme poverty in the state-an initiative 
that later would be regarded as a landmark in 
Kerala’s development trajectory. The Extreme 
Poverty Eradication Programme (EPEP) aims 
to identify extremely poor households and the 
root causes of their deprivation, and address the 
specific causes in each household by integrating 
social welfare programmes, livelihood generation 
schemes and access to essential services. 
Unique features of Kerala’s Extreme Poverty 
Eradication Programme
Kerala’s Extreme Poverty Eradication Programme 
is distinguished by a set of core features that make 
it unique in its approach. Firstly, the programme 
addresses all categories of people who have 
been historically and socially extremely deprived. 
Secondly, the programme follows a participatory 
identification process, which relies on community-
level engagement and the involvement of elected 
representatives and ordinary citizens, to ensure 
that the details of even the most vulnerable and 
voiceless households are collected. Thirdly, this 
process is multidimensional, focusing on four 
critical indicators-food insecurity, unsafe housing, 
lack of basic income and severe health distress-
thereby ensuring that those who are genuinely 
experiencing extreme deprivation are accurately 
identified and targeted. 
Another defining feature is the automatic inclusion 
of families experiencing severe distress, such 
as those affected by chronic illness, disability, 
or destitution. This safeguards against the 
exclusion of individuals who are unable to seek 
assistance or articulate their needs. Fourthly, this 
programme prioritises convergence across sectors 
and departments, integrating interventions from 
health, social welfare, housing, local governance 
and livelihood. This enables a unified response, 
addressing the multiple deprivations faced by 
households rather than offering fragmented, 
scheme-based support.
Fifthly, the implementation is decentralised, 
with Local Governments playing a central role 
in planning, execution, and monitoring. Each 
identified household receives a customised 
intervention plan, tailored to its specific needs-
ranging from food support and health care to 
housing assistance, livelihood creation, and long-
term care services. Continuous follow-up by 
frontline workers ensures timely interventions and 
prevents families from slipping back into extreme 
deprivation.
This approach undoubtedly emphasises Kerala’s 
commitment to inclusive growth, aligning with 
the United Nations Sustainable Development 
Goals. It signifies a shift from generalised poverty 
alleviation to precision-targeted interventions, 
thereby ensuring that no citizen is left behind 
due to their inability to raise their voices. The 
programme has attempted to distinguish between 
poverty and extreme poverty, rather than treating 
these two conditions as one and the same. This 
has clarified the nature of interventions, enabling 
the implementation of targeted interventions 
specifically designed to address extreme poverty. 
It has been concluded from the field observations 
and close reviews that those in extreme poverty 
cannot progress in life or transcend poverty 
without substantial governmental and societal 
support. This scheme was initiated to rescue such 
families from the threat of extreme poverty.
Extreme Poverty Identification Programme 
(EPIP)
The Extreme Poverty Eradication programme was 
first implemented on a pilot basis in three different 
corners of the state-Vadakkanchery Municipality 
(Thrissur), Anchuthengu Gram Panchayat 
(Thiruvananthapuram), and Tirunelli Gram 
Panchayat (Wayanad). Based on this, the project 
was extended to all local governments in the 
state. Thus, a Statewide survey was conducted to
identify extremely poor households based on four 
key deprivation categories: lack of food, income, 
health, and shelter. The Local self-government 
department was the nodal agency that conducted 
the survey. The survey targeted households not 
previously covered under the Ashraya programme, 
the State’s flagship programme for identifying the 
destitute, which had 1.57 lakh beneficiaries.
Basic approaches to identifying the extremely 
poor
Extreme poverty is the most severe form of socio-
economic deprivation, occurring when individuals 
or families are unable to secure adequate food, 
access healthcare, obtain safe housing, or earn a 
basic income. Among these, food insecurity is a 
prime determinant, as households may slip into 
starvation when they cannot afford sufficient 
food, especially when public food supplies are 
unavailable, or when they lack the means or 
physical ability to cook and consume it. Health-
related distress is another major driver. High 
morbidity rates and chronic illnesses-such as 
kidney, liver, and heart diseases, stroke, and 
severe mental health conditions-frequently reduce 
individuals’ ability to work. Persons with severe 
disabilities also face significant barriers to earning a 
livelihood. As a result, health problems often push 
families into extreme poverty. Income distress, 
whether due to reduced work capacity, loss of 
income from assets, or overwhelming debt, further 
exacerbates vulnerability. Housing deprivation 
is another serious concern. Families unable to 
afford safe shelter are forced to live in dangerous, 
temporary or public spaces. In summary, the most 
critical factors leading to extreme poverty are food 
insecurity, unsafe housing, inadequate income and 
poor health status. These four determinants were 
therefore adopted as key indicators of extreme 
poverty. In addition to these criteria, the extent of 
social discrimination experienced due to historical, 
socio-economic, and gender-related factors was 
also considered.
Criteria adopted to identify the extremely poor
The extremely poor households were selected 
based on well-defined criteria. To start with, each 
of the four general factors contributing to extreme 
poverty was divided into sub-factors. These factors 
were further categorised into two: distress factors 
and extreme distress factors. Extreme distress 
factors were the primary criteria used to identify 
households with extreme poverty. Distress factors, 
on the other hand, were given the next priority. 
Both extreme distress factors and distress factors 
were given different weightages accordingly. A 
brief description of the extreme distress factors 
and distress factors is given in Table2.1
Table 2.1 Extreme Distress Factors and distress factors used to identify extreme poor in the state
Extreme Distress Factors Distress Factors
Food/Nutrition availability
Families who are unable to cook on their own, buy 
food from outside due to old age or physical or mental 
challenges or those who cannot pay for some one to cook
Families with children aged six or below and having 
Severe Acute Malnutrition (SAM), as per Anganwadi 
records 
Families who do not regularly receive food due to living 
on the street or in public places, or who receive free meals 
from public institutions
Health
Families who have completely lost their income earning 
capacity (from employment, assets, or investments) due to 
serious illness or have been bedridden for reasons other 
than those mentioned above
A family that has lost assets and livelihood due to 
indebtedness caused by illness or accident
Families who have lost income from employment, 
investments or assets, as part of taking care of family 
members who face physical or mental challenges or 80% of 
physical challenges at home 
Income#
A family without any member with income earning 
capacity and no income from assets or investments
A family where the primary income earner is dead or have 
abandoned the family
A poor family with only members over 60 years and is 
with physical difficulties is employed, while no other 
income-earning members/avenues are present
A family that has lost work equipment and livelihood 
opportunities in a disaster and those with no other means 
of income
A poor family without any income source and with 
members (s) above 70 years of age
Place for Residence 
Wanderers (those who have been in the local government 
area for the last year) without shelter. 
Those who live in miserable conditions in dangerous 
and unhygienic places (such as railways, roads, rivers, 
swamps, fields, near garbage dumps, edges of dirt canals, 
bus stands and markets). 
(Conditions other than sea turbulence)
Poor families who lost their homes due to debt and natu-
ral disasters
Source: Hand book on extreme poverty identification, KILA, #Social security pentsion is not considered income

A poor family without any income source and with 
members (s) above 70 years of age
Place for Residence 
Wanderers (those who have been in the local government 
area for the last year) without shelter. 
Those who live in miserable conditions in dangerous 
and unhygienic places (such as railways, roads, rivers, 
swamps, fields, near garbage dumps, edges of dirt canals, 
bus stands and markets). 
(Conditions other than sea turbulence)
Poor families who lost their homes due to debt and natu-
ral disasters
Source: Hand book on extreme poverty identification, KILA, #Social security pentsion is not considered incom
n addition, special consideration was given 
to socially backward and marginalised groups 
to address extreme poverty, and a few other 
indicators were included for such specific social 
groups. They, however, will also be eligible for 
consideration in terms of the general extreme 
distress factors and distress factors mentioned 
in Table 2.1, in addition to the distress factors 
outlined in Table 2.2
Moreover a set of criteria was also considered 
for those who are socially vulnerable for various 
reasons, to facilitate the selection process. This list 
included poor families with HIV-positive people, 
poor families with orphaned children, and poor 
families with LGBTQIA+ people. This ensures 
that poor people experiencing social isolation 
due to infections like HIV or gender specific 
discrimination are given special consideration as 
part of this programme. (Table 2.3).
Urban poverty was also considered as a distinct 
category, and special consideration was given to 
the condition of eight or more people having 
to live together in a house measuring under 150 
square feet, which was regarded as an extreme 
form of poverty.
A poor family with only members over 60 years and is 
with physical difficulties is employed, while no other 
income-earning members/avenues are present
A family that has lost work equipment and livelihood 
opportunities in a disaster and those with no other means 
of income
A poor family without any income source and with 
members (s) above 70 years of age
Place for Residence 
Wanderers (those who have been in the local government 
area for the last year) without shelter. 
Those who live in miserable conditions in dangerous 
and unhygienic places (such as railways, roads, rivers, 
swamps, fields, near garbage dumps, edges of dirt canals, 
bus stands and markets). 
(Conditions other than sea turbulence)
Poor families who lost their homes due to debt and natu-
ral disasters
Source: Hand book on extreme poverty identification, KILA, #Social security pentsion is not considered income
Table 2.2 Distress Factors for Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled caste families and coastal residents
Distress Factors for Scheduled Tribe Families
• Living in the forest, at least three kilometres from basic amenities such as public transport, primary health centres, 
schools, ration shops, and a scheduled tribe family with less than 25 cents of land. 
• Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG – Kaadar, Cholanaikkan, Kattunaikkan, Koraga, Kurumba)
• Families with no other source of income and dependent only on forest produce. 
• Families with no one educated above the primary level (seventh standard) of schooling. 
• Families with a person who has to move to the neighbouring states for employment as unskilled agricultural labour 
and has less than 25 cents of agricultural land and no other employer in the family. 
• Family with a person who has a height-to-weight ratio (BMI) of less than 16 or persons with chronic 
energy deficiency.
• A family with no land to live in or that lives in a residential area of less than 150 square feet with eight or more 
members. 
Distress Factors for Scheduled Caste Families
• Those who lost their homes due to disasters. 
• Family living in an area with no transportation within 500 meters, no access to drinking water within 
100 meters and no electrification. 
• Families with no one educated above the primary level (seventh standard) of education. 
Coastal Residents
• People are regularly threatened by the sea or those who have lost their habitat due to the coastal hazards. 
• Families with no one educated above the primary level (seventh standard) of education. 
Source: Hand book on extreme poverty identification, KILA

Wednesday, February 18, 2026

അധികാരം കീഴാളരെ അദൃശ്യരാക്കുമോ?

പ്രൊഫസർ ആർ.രാംകുമാർ പ്രശസ്തമായ
ടാറ്റാ ഇൻസ്റ്റിറ്റ്യൂട്ട് ഓഫ് സോഷ്യൽ സയൻസിലെ
സാമ്പത്തിക ശാസ്ത്ര അധ്യാപകനും പ്രശസ്ത സാമ്പത്തിക ശാസ്ത്രവിദഗ്ദനുമാണ്.

അദ്ദേഹം എഴുതുന്നു:
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അധികാരം കീഴാളരെ അദൃശ്യരാക്കുമോ?

ഞാൻ എട്ട്-പത്ത് പ്രശസ്തരെ വായിച്ചിട്ടുണ്ട് എന്നു പറഞ്ഞ്, അവരുടെ പേരുകൾ അവിടെയും ഇവിടെയും വിതറി, അതിൽ നിന്ന് ഒരു ധാർമിക അധികാരം  നിർമ്മിച്ചെടുക്കുന്നത് അത്ര നല്ല സംവാദ ശീലമല്ല. 

പേരുകൾ അല്ല പ്രധാനം. അധികാരം, വർഗ്ഗം, ഭരണകൂടം, സാമൂഹ്യമാറ്റം എന്നിവയെ നമ്മൾ ശരിയായി വിശകലനം ചെയ്യുന്നുണ്ടോ എന്നതാണ് പ്രധാനം. കീഴാള ദൃശ്യതയെ അധികാരത്തിൽ നിന്ന് വേർപെടുത്തി വിശകലനം ചെയ്യുന്നത് ഒട്ടും ശരിയായ  മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് രീതിയല്ല.

ഴാക്ക് റാൻസിയേറുടെ ജനാധിപത്യത്തെ കുറിച്ചുള്ള എഴുത്തുകൾ അദൃശ്യരെ ദൃശ്യരാക്കാനും കേൾക്കാത്തവരുടെ ശബ്ദം കേൾപ്പിക്കാനും പ്രേരിപ്പിക്കുന്നവ തന്നെ. പക്ഷേ ഒരു ഭരണകൂട സംവിധാനത്തിന് എതിരായി നിൽക്കുമ്പോഴും ഭരണകൂടവുമായി ഇടപെട്ടു കൊണ്ടും മല്ലിട്ടു കൊണ്ടും ഒരു പുതിയ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന്റെ നിർമ്മാണം നടത്താൻ സഹായിക്കുന്ന ഒരു ദർശനവും അത് പകർന്നു തരുന്നില്ല. ജനാധിപത്യം റാൻസിയേറിന് ആനുഷംഗികം മാത്രമാണ്; അതിനെ സ്ഥാപനവൽക്കരിക്കാൻ അദ്ദേഹം ഒരിക്കലും ശ്രമിച്ചിട്ടില്ല. ദൃഢതയുള്ള, ഈടു നിൽക്കുന്ന, ഒരു ഭരണകൂട സംവിധാനത്തെ അദ്ദേഹം ഒരു സാധ്യതയായി കാണുന്നതേയില്ല. അപ്പോൾ അസമത്വങ്ങൾ നിറഞ്ഞ, ഏകാധിപത്യ പ്രവണതകൾ നിറഞ്ഞ, ഒരു സംവിധാനത്തെ എതിർക്കാൻ റാൻസിയേർ ഉപയോഗപ്പെട്ടേക്കും. പക്ഷേ കീഴാളർ അവർക്കു കൂടി പ്രാതിനിധ്യമുള്ള ഒരു അധികാര ഘടന നിർമ്മിച്ചെടുക്കാൻ ശ്രമിക്കുമ്പോൾ, അവിടെ എതിരിന്റെ  സൗന്ദര്യശാസ്ത്രം മാത്രം നോക്കുന്ന വാദങ്ങൾ ഉപയോഗകരമല്ല. കീഴാളരുടെ ദൃശ്യത എന്നത് പ്രതീകാത്മകം മാത്രമല്ലാതെ നിലകൊള്ളണമെങ്കിൽ അധികാര സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ വേണം, പുനർവിതരണം വേണം, ഭരണകൂടത്തിന്റെ നിയന്ത്രണ ഉപകരണങ്ങൾ വേണം, സർക്കാരിന്റെ സാമ്പത്തിക പരിസരം വേണം. അല്ലാത്ത പക്ഷം മാർക്സിസവും വെറുമൊരു സൗന്ദര്യശാസ്ത്രം മാത്രമായി മാറും; സാമൂഹിക പരിവർത്തനം അതിന്റെ ലക്ഷ്യമല്ലാതായി മാറും.

കേരളത്തിന്റെ ഉദാഹരണം തന്നെ ഇവിടെ പറയണം. ഉപരി - മധ്യവർഗ്ഗത്തെ പ്രീതിപ്പെടുത്തിയല്ല കേരളം അതിന്റെ ഇന്നത്തെ നേട്ടങ്ങൾ നേടിയത്. മറിച്ച്, അധികാരം പിടിച്ചെടുത്ത്, ഭൂപരിഷ്കരണം, വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം, ആരോഗ്യം, ഭക്ഷ്യ സുരക്ഷ, ഭവന സുരക്ഷ എന്നിവയെല്ലാം ഭരണകൂടത്തിലൂടെ നടപ്പിലാക്കിയത് കൊണ്ടാണ് ഇന്നത്തെ കേരളം കേരളമായി മാറിയത്. എപ്പോഴൊക്കെ കീഴാളരുടെ പാർട്ടിക്ക് അധികാരം നഷ്ടപ്പെട്ടുവോ അപ്പോഴൊക്കെ ഇത്തരം പുനർവിതരണ സംവിധാനങ്ങളൊക്കെ അട്ടിമറിക്കപ്പെടുകയും ചെയ്തിട്ടുണ്ട്.

1960-കൾക്ക് ശേഷം യൂറോപ്പിലെ മാർക്സിസ്റ്റുകൾക്ക് പിടിപെട്ട ഒരു പൊതു നിരാശയിൽ നിന്നാണ് ഇത്തരം കേവല സൗന്ദര്യശാസ്ത്ര സിദ്ധാന്തങ്ങൾ രൂപം കൊണ്ടത്. അല്ലാതെ മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് ഭൗതിക വിശകലനത്തിൽ കൂടെയല്ല. റാൻസിയേറുടെയും കൂട്ടുകാരുടെയും എഴുത്തുകൾ ഫ്രാൻസിൽ തന്നെ നവ - ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് വിരുദ്ധ പോരാട്ടങ്ങളെ എങ്ങിനെ ദുർബലപ്പെടുത്തി എന്ന് നോക്കിയാൽ തന്നെ കാര്യം മനസ്സിലാകും. അവിടെ കഴിഞ്ഞ കുറെ ദശകങ്ങളായി ഇടതുപക്ഷം ശ്രമിച്ചത് രാഷ്ട്രീയ തന്ത്രങ്ങളോ സംഘടനയോ ഇല്ലാത്ത പ്രസ്ഥാനങ്ങളിലൂടെയും സ്ഥാപനവൽക്കരണത്തിന് എതിരെയുള്ള നിരന്തരമായ എതിർപ്പിലൂടെയുമാണ്. പക്ഷെ വലതുപക്ഷമോ? വളരെ അച്ചടക്കമുള്ള പാർട്ടി വളർത്തിയും, തൊഴിലാളിവർഗത്തിന്റെ രോഷങ്ങളെ മുതലെടുത്തും ഭരണകൂട സംവിധാനങ്ങളെ നിർദാക്ഷിണ്യം ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്തിയുമാണ് അവർ വളർന്നത്. ചുരുക്കത്തിൽ, ഇടതുപക്ഷം രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ ധാർമികവൽക്കരിച്ചപ്പോൾ വലതുപക്ഷം സംഘടിതമായ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ അവലംബിച്ചു. അവർ വളർന്നു; ഇന്ന്, മറൈൻ ലെ പെന്നിന്റെ തീവ്ര - വലതുപക്ഷ നവ - ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് പാർട്ടി വലിയൊരു ശക്തിയാണവിടെ. റാൻസിയേർ ഒരു പക്ഷെ ഇത് ആഗ്രഹിച്ചിട്ടുണ്ടാവില്ല. പക്ഷെ അദ്ദേഹത്തിന്റെയും കൂട്ടുകാരുടെയും എഴുത്തുകൾ -- അറിഞ്ഞോ അറിയാതെയോ -- ഈ പ്രതിഭാസത്തിന് സൈദ്ധാന്തിക പരിസരം ഒരുക്കി. പുതിയ ബദൽ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ നിർമ്മിക്കാനോ, ബഹുജന സംഘടനകൾ വളർത്താനോ, ഭരണകൂട നിയന്ത്രണം ഏറ്റെടുക്കാമോ മുതിരാത്ത ഇടതുപക്ഷത്തെ ഫ്രാൻസിലെ തൊഴിലാളിവർഗം തന്നെ ഇന്ന് വിശ്വസിക്കുന്നില്ല. എതിർപ്പ് വെറും ധാർമികമോ, പ്രതീകാത്മകമോ ആയി ചുരുങ്ങുമ്പോൾ ഉണ്ടാകുന്ന സ്വാഭാവിക പരിണതഫലം. 

പിന്നെ ഗ്രാംഷിയും റോസയും. 

ഗ്രാംഷിയെ ലെനിനിസത്തിനെതിരെ നിർത്തുന്നത് അപഹാസ്യമാണ്. ഗ്രാംഷിയുടെ ഹെജിമണി ഭരണകൂടത്തിന് എതിരെ നിൽക്കുന്ന ഒരു സങ്കല്പം മാത്രമല്ല. കീഴാളർ സിവിൽ സമൂഹത്തെ കീഴ്പെടുത്തി അധികാരം പിടിച്ചെടുക്കുന്ന ഒരു ഭാവിയെക്കുറിച്ചാണ് ഗ്രാംഷി ചിന്തിച്ചത്. അതു പോലെ, പാർട്ടിക്ക് ഉണ്ടായേക്കാവുന്ന ബ്യൂറോക്രാറ്റിക്ക് സ്വഭാവങ്ങളെപ്പറ്റി റോസ ഉയർത്തിയ വിമർശനങ്ങൾ അധികാരത്തെയോ ഭരണകൂടത്തെയോ ഉപേക്ഷിക്കണം എന്ന് വിവക്ഷിക്കുന്നവയല്ല.

ചുരുക്കത്തിൽ, ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് ഭരണകൂടങ്ങളെ എതിർത്തു തോൽപ്പിക്കാൻ ഭരണകൂടത്തിന് പുറത്തു നിൽക്കുന്നത് ആത്മഹത്യാപരമാണ്. കീഴാളർ ഒച്ച ഉണ്ടാക്കിയാൽ തീരുന്നതല്ല ഫാസിസം. അതിന് ഭരണം പിടിച്ചെടുത്തേ തീരൂ, സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിൻ മേൽ അധികാരം നിലനിർത്തിയേ തീരൂ, നിയമങ്ങൾ പ്രയോഗിച്ചേ തീരൂ.

എന്താണ് കേരളവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട് ഉയരുന്ന വിമർശനങ്ങൾ? തുടർച്ചയായ ഇടതുപക്ഷ ഭരണം ഒരു രാഷ്ട്രീയ ബ്യൂറോക്രസിയെ സൃഷ്ടിക്കുന്നു, കീഴാളരും ആയുള്ള ബന്ധം ദുർബലപ്പെടുത്തുന്നു, ഇവയൊക്കെ അല്ലേ? പക്ഷേ ഇവയെല്ലാം ഭരണത്തിൽ ഇരിക്കുന്നതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി ഉയരുന്ന വൈരുദ്ധ്യങ്ങളാണ് എന്നതല്ലേ ശരി? അവയെ നേരിട്ടു കൊണ്ടും പരിഹരിച്ചു കൊണ്ടും മുൻപോട്ടു പോകുന്നതിന് പകരം ഭരണമേ വേണ്ട എന്ന ആപൽക്കരമായ  നിലപാട് എന്ത് അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിൽ ആണ് എടുക്കുക?വൈരുദ്ധ്യങ്ങളിൽ നിന്ന് ഒളിച്ചോടിയാണോ മാർക്സിസ്റ്റുകാർ അവയുമായി ഇടപെടുന്നത്? അവയെ രാഷ്ട്രീയവൽക്കരിച്ചു കൊണ്ട് അവയ്ക്കുള്ള പരിഹാരം തേടാൻ അല്ലേ ശ്രമിക്കേണ്ടത്? അതോ അതിനു പകരം എന്തോ വലിയ ധാർമിക നിലപാടെടുത്തു എന്ന് ഭാവിച്ച് മേനി നടിക്കുകയാണോ വേണ്ടത്?

പിന്നെ, ഒരു സന്നിഗ്ധ സാഹചര്യത്തിൽ സ്വീകരിക്കേണ്ട സൈദ്ധാന്തിക നിലപാടും അവിടെ നിൽക്കുന്ന വ്യക്തിയുടെ ജീവചരിത്രവും തമ്മിൽ ഒരു ബന്ധവുമില്ല. സർട്ടിഫിക്കറ്റുകൾ കൊണ്ടല്ല സിദ്ധാന്തങ്ങൾ നിർമ്മിക്കപ്പെടുന്നത്. ഒരു അധികാരഘടനയെ എതിർക്കുന്നു എന്ന ഭാവേന, സ്വന്തം ജീവചരിത്രം ഉപയോഗിച്ചു കൊണ്ട് പുതിയൊരു ധാർമിക അധികാരം സ്ഥാപിച്ചെടുക്കാൻ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നത് വല്ലാത്തൊരു വൈരുദ്ധ്യമാണ്.

മുൻപ് പറയാൻ ശ്രമിച്ച കാര്യം ഒരിക്കൽ കൂടി പറയാം. കേരളത്തിൽ ഇടതുപക്ഷത്തിന് തുടർഭരണം ലഭിച്ചാൽ ഇടതുപക്ഷ ആശയങ്ങൾക്ക് ക്ഷയമുണ്ടാകും എന്ന് വാദിക്കുന്നത് സൈദ്ധാന്തികമായും രാഷ്ട്രീയമായും അടിസ്ഥാന രഹിതമാണ്. അതു പോലെ തന്നെ, മാർക്സിസത്തെ നിതാന്തമായ ഒരു സൗന്ദര്യശാസ്ത്രം മാത്രമായി മാത്രം നിലനിർത്താൻ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നത് കടുത്ത മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ്  വിരുദ്ധതയുമാണ്. മാർക്സിസം സാമൂഹ്യ മാറ്റത്തിന്റെ സിദ്ധാന്തമാണ്. അധികാര സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ ഉപയോഗിച്ച് കൊണ്ട് തൊഴിലാളികളെയും കർഷകരെയും വിഭജിച്ച്, അടിച്ചമർത്തി, ഭരണം നടത്തുന്ന നവ - ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് പ്രവണതകളെ തച്ചുടയ്ക്കാൻ അധികാര സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിൽ കീഴാള പ്രാതിനിധ്യം ഉണ്ടായേ കഴിയൂ. അതിനു പുറത്തു നിന്ന് വെറുതെ ഒച്ച വെച്ചാൽ മതി എന്ന് വാദിക്കുന്നത് ഇതേ കീഴാളരെ കൊലക്കത്തിക്ക്‌ എറിഞ്ഞു കൊടുക്കുന്നതിനു തുല്യമാണ്. അതിന് കേരളത്തിലെ സിപിഐഎമ്മിനെ കിട്ടില്ല.

ആർ. രാംകുമാർ

Tuesday, February 17, 2026

India’s federalism is in need of a structural resetArticle imageM.K. Stalin

India’s federalism is in need of a structural reset

Article image

M.K. Stalin

is the Chief Minister

of Tamil Nadu

The Constitution of India, while federal in structure, was designed with a pronounced centralising bias. Drawing heavily from the Government of India Act, 1935, it concentrated significant authority in New Delhi while assigning a comparatively modest sphere to the States. This architecture was shaped by the circumstances of its birth — the trauma of Partition, the integration of 14 provinces and over 500 princely States, and the pervasive fear that centrifugal forces might threaten national unity. In that climate, centralisation appeared not merely prudent but also indispensable.

Yet, even in those anxious deliberations, there were voices of rare clarity. K. Santhanam cautioned the Constituent Assembly that the Union’s strength lies not in the indiscriminate accumulation of functions, but in the disciplined refusal of responsibilities that do not properly belong at the national level. “It is in this positive as well as negative delimitation of powers that a real federal system rests...,” he observed.

In that single formulation lay two enduring principles: first, authority is most effective when exercised closest to knowledge and accountability; and second, excessive centralisation breeds fragility by overburdening a single authority with tasks that it cannot efficiently discharge. A government that attempts to supervise everything — from space exploration to rural sanitation — may expand in reach but this inevitably diminishes its effectiveness.

Reinforcement of dominance

History demonstrates that power assumed in the name of necessity rarely retreats when necessity fades. In the decades that followed, centralising tendencies were reinforced by the dominance of a single national party at the Union and State levels, fostering a “high command” culture that attenuated the autonomy of State leadership. Later, the emergence of coalition governments at the Union and the rise of regional parties in States led to a more balanced federal order without endangering unity. One may reasonably surmise that had today’s politically mature and linguistically consolidated States existed in 1950, the constitutional design might have evolved along a more decentralised path.

Just as an individual cannot remain perpetually captive to the neuroses of childhood, so too a nation cannot forever labour under the anxieties of its formative years. India’s unity is no longer fragile, and the idea of India now rests on firm and enduring foundations. Yet, 76 years later, constitutional practice continues to reflect the reflexes of the late 1940s. Centralisation, once defended as a necessity, has hardened into habit.

Through successive constitutional amendments, expansive Union legislation in Concurrent List subjects, conditional Finance Commission transfers, and centrally sponsored schemes with rigid templates, the balance of power has tilted even further toward the Union. Large ministries exist in New Delhi that duplicate State functions and often attempt to steer State priorities through micromanagement and procedural oversight. In an inversion of democratic hierarchy, the Union Executive is attempting to override plenary State laws in Concurrent List subjects through subordinate legislation.

It is a principle

Such a drift sits uneasily with constitutional doctrine. In S.R. Bommai vs Union of India (1994), the Supreme Court of India declared federalism part of the Constitution’s Basic Structure and affirmed that States are not mere appendages of the Centre but are supreme within their allotted spheres. Federalism, the Court held, is a principle rooted in India’s history and diversity; not a matter of administrative convenience. Despite this judicial affirmation, State autonomy has continued to erode — through legislative expansion, executive overreach, and certain other judicial interpretations that privilege uniform national solutions over contextual diversity.

Underlying this trajectory is a persistent illusion — that the Union becomes stronger by diminishing the States. In truth, the Union and the States are not competitors in a zero-sum contest; they are partners in a shared constitutional enterprise. India’s size and heterogeneity render centralised policy design inherently limited. No authority in New Delhi, however enlightened, can tailor policy with equal sensitivity to every linguistic region, agricultural ecology, industrial cluster, or labour market.

Decentralisation addresses this limitation by enabling parallel experimentation. States can design and test policies at manageable scale, contain failures without national disruption, and allow successful innovations to diffuse horizontally or be adopted nationally. Many of India’s most effective programmes followed precisely this path. Tamil Nadu’s noon meal scheme, Kerala’s achievements in public health and literacy, and Maharashtra’s employment guarantee initiative all began as State experiments before informing national policy. Over-centralisation suppresses the very diversity of strategies from which innovation and discovery arise.

Centralists often argue that States lack administrative or technical capacity and, therefore, require Union intervention. Yet, such intervention stunts the very capacity it claims to remedy, creating a self-perpetuating cycle of dependence. Parents who do not entrust their children with responsibility, and leaders who refuse to delegate authority, inevitably breed dependence. Governments are no exception.

Capacity arises from responsibility, accountability, and the freedom to make, and correct, mistakes. To suggest that India’s States — many comparable in scale to sovereign nations — are inherently incapable and must, therefore, be subjected to intrusive central control is incompatible with national self-respect.

Centralisation might still be defended if it had delivered superior outcomes. But by comparison with decentralised federations, global benchmarks, or India’s own aspirations, the record is unpersuasive. The centralised model has struggled to deliver universal access, sustained quality, genuine equity, or global competitiveness. Instead, it has produced regulatory complexity, chronic underfunding as resources are stretched across expanding mandates, blurred accountability, and gradual erosion of State capacity.

Tamil Nadu recognised these dangers at an early stage. In 1967, C.N. Annadurai observed that the Union must indeed be strong enough to maintain the sovereignty and integrity of India. But that did not mean that it should assume control over every subject, such as health or education, which bore no direct nexus to national defence.

His successor, Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, advanced this philosophy through the maxim, “Autonomy to the States, Federalism at the Centre”, and in 1969 established the first independent Committee on Union-State Relations under Justice P.V. Rajamannar. The Committee’s 1971 Report became a landmark in India’s federal debate. Later national commissions — the Sarkaria (1983-88) and Punchhi (2007-10) — acknowledged the need for rebalancing, though they stopped short of recommending fundamental structural reform.

Time to right-size

India now stands at a constitutional juncture that calls for recalibration rather than complacency. The objective is not to weaken the Union but to right-size it, allowing it to concentrate on genuinely national responsibilities while restoring to States the autonomy essential for effective governance. Such recalibration would not diminish national unity; it would deepen it by aligning authority with responsibility.

In this spirit, the Government of Tamil Nadu constituted a High-Level Committee on Union-State Relations in April 2025 under the chairmanship of Justice Kurian Joseph (a retired Supreme Court judge), with K. Ashok Vardhan Shetty (a retired IAS officer) and Dr. M. Naganathan (former State Planning Commission vice-chairman) as members. Thought of as a non-partisan exercise, the Committee undertook a comprehensive review of contemporary federal challenges.

Part I of its Report, which was submitted on February 16, 2026, addresses issues that range from the role of Governors and language policy to delimitation, elections, education, health, and Goods and Services Tax.

The Government of Tamil Nadu presents this report to the public in the hope that it will stimulate informed debate, restore balance to the Union-State relationship, and contribute to a constitutional settlement in which the Union is strong because it is focused, and the States are strong because they are trusted.

There is a need for balanced federalism in the form of autonomous States, an efficient Union, and accountable governance


Check this out: India’s federalism is in need of a structural reset

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Monday, February 16, 2026

Regularisation Can't Be Denied To Casual Workers If Other Similarly Situated Daily Wagers Were Regularized :

Supreme Court Yash Mittal 16 Feb 2026 2:43 PM (5 mins read ) Listen to this Article Applying the principle of parity, the Supreme Court has regularized the services of four sweepers, noting that similarly situated employees cannot be treated differently once regularisation has been granted to others who are similarly situated. A Bench comprising Justices J.K. Maheshwari and Atul S. Chandurkar set aside the Madhya Pradesh High Court's order, holding that it had erred in declining to interfere with the Central Administrative Tribunal's refusal to regularise the appellants' services, despite the appellants having performed work of a perennial nature for more than a decade Also Read - Punjab Regional Town Planning Act | Illegal 'Change Of Land Use' Permission Can't Be Post Facto Legalised : Supreme Court Briefly put, the appellants were engaged between 1993 and 1998 as sweepers and a cook in the Office of the Commissioner of Income Tax, Gwalior. Their engagement followed Employment Exchange sponsorship and interviews, and they continued working for several years on a daily-wage basis. In 2011–2012, the department began outsourcing the same work, following which the appellants' requests for regularisation were rejected. Both the CAT (2015) and the High Court (2019) denied relief, relying on the Supreme Court's decision in Secretary, State of Karnataka v. Umadevi (2006), on the ground that the appellants had not completed 10 years of continuous service as on 10 April 2006. Also Read - Condonation Of Delay Can't Be Claimed As Matter Of Right; Entirely Court's Discretion : Supreme Court Allowing the appeal, the judgment authored by Justice Atul S. Chandurkar held that the appellants stood on the same footing as other employees whose services had already been regularised by the Supreme Court in Ravi Verma & Ors. v. Union of India (2018), and that the respondent department acted arbitrarily and discriminatorily in denying the appellants the same benefit. “we are of the view that the services of the appellants are liable to be regularized as they are similarly situated as other daily-wage workers in the Income Tax Department, whose services have been regularized pursuant to various orders passed by this Court.”, the court held. Also Read - Why Rules Under Shariat Application Act Not Framed? Supreme Court Seeks Responses Of Union, UP Govt “we find that the present appellants also being similarly situated, they cannot be discriminated from the appellants in the aforesaid two appeals.”, the court added. The Court rejected the department's reliance on Umadevi to justify its decision not to regularise the Appellants. Referring to the recent decision in Jaggo v. Union of India, where the Court clarified that Umadevi was never intended to permanently shut the door on long-serving workers appointed through irregular, but not illegal, processes. Also Read - Know The Law | Principles On Secondary Evidence Production : Supreme Court Explains The Court reiterated that appointments made through Employment Exchange sponsorship, followed by interviews, could not be termed “backdoor” or illegal. Procedural shortcomings at the time of engagement, the Court held, cannot be used to deny substantive rights that have accrued through long, continuous service, as held in Jaggo. “…the Tribunal was not justified in denying relief to the appellants by relying upon the decision in Umadevi (3) and Ors. (supra). The High Court also erred in affirming the decision of the Tribunal. The appellants are entitled to similar reliefs as granted by this Court in Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra) as well as in Raman Kumar and Ors. (supra).”, the court held. “The services of the appellants be regularized from 01.07.2006 on the same terms as made applicable in Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra) as well as in Raman Kumar and Ors. (supra). The benefits be released in favour of the appellants within a period of three months from today.”, the court ordered. Accordingly, the appeal was allowed. Cause Title: PAWAN KUMAR & ORS. VERSUS UNION OF INDIA & ORS. Citation : 2026 LiveLaw (SC) 159 Click here to download judgment Appearance: For Petitioner(s) : Mr. Prashant Shukla, Adv. Ms. Anushree Shukla, Adv. Mr. Kartik Kumar, Adv. M/S. Prashant Shukla Law Chambers, AOR For Respondent(s) : Mrs. Archana Pathak Dave, A.S.G. (Not Present) Mr. K Parameshwar, Sr. Adv. (Not Present) Mr. Vaibhav Dwivedi, Adv. Mrs. Sunita Sharma, Adv. Ms. Vimla Sinha, Adv. Mr. Nidhi Khanna Mr. Ishan Sharma, Adv. Mr. Raj Bahadur Yadav, AOR For interveners Mr. Prashant Shukla, Adv. Mrs. Anushree Shukla, Adv. Mr. Kartik Kumar, Adv. M/S. Prashant Shukla Law Chambers, AOR https://www.livelaw.in/supreme-court/regularisation-cant-be-denied-to-casual-workers-if-other-similarly-situated-daily-wagers-were-regularised-supreme-court-523280 NON-REPORTABLE 2026 INSC 156 PAWAN KUMAR & ORS. UNION OF INDIA & ORS. J U D G M E N T ATUL S. CHANDURKAR, J. 1. 2. Leave granted. IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION CIVIL APPEAL NO. OF 2026 (@ SLP (C) NO.29214 OF 2019) APPELLANT(S) VERSUS RESPONDENT(S) The appellants having registered themselves with the Employment Exchange claim to have worked as casual workers with the Office of the Commissioner of Income Tax, Gwalior for a considerable period of time. Under the expectation that they would be conferred temporary status and their services would be thereafter regularized, the appellants initially made representations to the Income Tax Department. On their request not being accepted, the appellants approached the Central Administrative Tribunal, Jabalpur Bench1 by preferring Original 1For short, the Tribunal Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 Page 1 of 11 Application No.719 of 2012 with a prayer to consider their cases for regularization in service. The Tribunal by its judgment dated 13.05.2015 held that the services of the appellants were not liable to be regularized on the ground that they did not fulfil the basic criteria of regular service for a period of ten years as on 10.04.2006 in terms of the judgment in Secretary, State of Karnataka and Ors. Vs. Umadevi (3) and Ors.2. Being aggrieved, the appellants approached the High Court of Madhya Pradesh challenging the aforesaid decision. By the judgment dated 26.08.2019, the High Court declined to interfere with the aforesaid adjudication and dismissed the writ petition. Not being satisfied by the said judgment, the appellants have come up in appeal. 3. Facts material for considering the case as set-up by the appellants are that appellants No.1 to 3 came to be engaged as casual workers on the post of Sweeper from 01.10.1997, 01.05.1998 and 01.10.1997 respectively. Appellant No.4 was casually engaged on the post of Cook from 27.12.1993. It is their case that their names were sponsored through the Employment Exchange and after being duly interviewed, they were engaged as daily workers. According to them, in terms of Circulars dated 22006 INSC 216 Page 2 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 Page 3 of 11 04.07.2011 and 10.01.2012, the Income Tax Department proceeded to outsource the work that was being done by the appellants. They made various representations seeking regularization of their services considering the period of service rendered by them as casual workers. It is further the case of the appellants that services of similarly placed casual workers were directed to be regularized pursuant to the decision of this Court in Ravi Verma and Ors. Vs. Union of India and Ors.3 vide judgment dated 13.03.2018. In the light of the fact that services of similarly situated casual workers had been regularized by the Office of the Chief Commissioner, Income Tax, the appellants sought similar treatment. Relying upon the decision in Jaggo Vs. Union of India and Ors.4, it is urged that the engagement of the appellants could only be termed as “irregular” and not “illegal”. The fact that the work undertaken by the appellants was sought to be outsourced indicated that the said work was of a perennial nature and that only with a view to deprive the appellants of the benefit of regularization, the outsourcing policy was being implemented. On these counts, the appellants prayed for appropriate relief. 3 Civil Appeal Nos.2795-2796 of 2018 4 2024 INSC 1034 4. According to the Income Tax Department, the services of the appellants are not liable to be regularized since their eligibility in terms of the decision of the Constitution Bench in Umadevi (3) and Ors. (supra) of having rendered continuous service for ten years or more as on 10.04.2006 was not satisfied by them. In absence of any sanctioned post available at Gwalior, their services were not liable to be regularized. The engagement of the appellants was merely of a casual nature and their services were subsequently being engaged through a contractor on contractual basis. It is, thus, the case of the Income Tax Department that the Tribunal and thereafter, the High Court having rightly denied relief to the appellants, there was no reason to interfere with that adjudication. 5. We have heard the learned counsel for the parties and we have also perused the documents on record. Having considered the matter in detail, we are of the view that the services of the appellants are liable to be regularized as they are similarly situated as other daily-wage workers in the Income Tax Department, whose services have been regularized pursuant to various orders passed by this Court. 6. The appellants in the Convenience Compilation filed by them pursuant to the order dated 02.09.2025 passed in the present Page 4 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 proceedings have sought to urge that the appellants are similarly situated as the appellants in the case of Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra) decided on 13.03.2018. Therein, the appellants had been appointed as casual employees with the Income Tax Department in the year 1993-94 after which they were working continuously. Their prayer for regularization having been refused by the Tribunal, the said appellants approached the High Court which, however, dismissed their writ petition. This Court in the aforesaid decision was pleased to note that regularization of similarly situated employees at other places had been undertaken since the year 2006 and that discriminatory treatment had been meted out to the said appellants. It, accordingly, directed regularization of their services from 01.07.2006 alongwith the consequential benefits. 7. It would be material to note that in the aforesaid appeal, the appellants were Mr. Ravi Verma, Smt. Munni Devi, Mr. Dharam Dev Prasad, Mr. Nagendra Thakur & Mr. Sheshnath Choudhary. The names of the aforesaid appellants alongwith the names of the present appellants can be found in the list of daily-wage workers working in the Office of Income Tax, Gwalior as on 31.10.2005. The said list of daily-wage workers reads as under: Page 5 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 Page 6 of 11 LIST OF DAILY WAGES WORKER WORKING CIT CHARGE GWALIOR AS ON 31.10.2005 Sr. No. Name of the worker Catgy Post on which working Date of appointment D.O.B. Edu. Qualification Remark 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 S.C. Shrivastava Gen Stgr 19.08. 83 14.03.61 Graduate 2 Ramswaroop OBC Cook (Guest House) 27.12.93 10.07.62 5th 3 Smt. Munni Devi ST Waterman cum Farras 14.01.94 31.03.70 Illiterate 4 Dharam Dev OBC Photocopy Machine operator 12. 10.94 01 .08.72 5th 5 Ravi Verma OBC copier/Ph otocopy Machine operator 24.10.94 20.08.73 Inter 6 Nagendra Thakur OBC Waterman cum Farras 01.01. 94 08.03. 73 5th 7 Shesnath Choudhary OBC Waterman-cum Farras 24. 1 l .94 01.12.76 High School 8 Pradmod Sharma Gen Driver 06.04.95 15.04.68 8th 9 Manoj Dagore SC Sweeper 01.10.97 08.02.73 5th 10 Pawan SC Sweeper 01.10.97 04.12.74 5th 11 Ramkishan Sen OBC Waterman-turn Farras 01.04.98 06.02.73 8th 12 Manoj SC Sweeper 01.05.98 02.02.76 Illiterate 13 Gaya Prasad SC Waterman 01.06.98 01.01.73 Inter -cum Farras 14 Ashok kr ten OBC Waterman cum Farras 01.02.99 15.04.75 8th 15 Mahendra Singh Kushwah OBC Gardner 25.02.25 17.04.80 Inter chowkidar 17 Mahipal Singh 25.02.05 30.03.71 16 Mohan Rana OBC Gardner 25.02.25 26.02.80 8th SC 18 Bharat Narwaria ----- OBC Cook-cum Farras 25.02.05 05.01.78 8th These names continued to find place in the subsequent lists dated 11.11.2005 and 31.01.2008. It is, thus, clear that in view of the decision of this Court in Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra), the services of five daily-wage workers from the aforesaid list came to be regularized. Undisputedly, the names of the present appellants also find place in the said list dated 31.10.2005, 11.11.2005 and 31.01.2008. The present appellants are, therefore, similarly situated as the appellants in Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra). 8. It is also material to note that subsequently in the case of Raman Kumar and Ors. Vs. Union of India and Ors.5, this Court referred to the adjudication in the Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra) and on 03.07.2023 directed regularization of services of the appellants 5Civil Appeal No.4146 of 2023 Page 7 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 therein. This was for the reason that the Income Tax Department could not have discriminated in the matter of regularizing the services of similarly situated employees. On the same analogy, we find that the present appellants also being similarly situated, they cannot be discriminated from the appellants in the aforesaid two appeals. 9. Besides the aforesaid aspects, we find that the law laid down by this Court in Jaggo (supra) supports the case of the appellants in their prayer for regularization. In paragraphs 13, 20, 21 and 26, it has been held as under: “13. The claim by the respondents that these were not regular posts lacks merit, as the nature of the work performed by the appellants was perennial and fundamental to the functioning of the offices. The recurring nature of these duties necessitates their classification as regular posts, irrespective of how their initial engagements were labelled. It is also noteworthy that subsequent outsourcing of these same tasks to private agencies after the appellants’ termination demonstrates the inherent need for these services. This act of outsourcing, which effectively replaced one set of workers with another, further underscores that the work in question was neither temporary nor occasional. 20. It is well established that the decision in Uma Devi (supra) does not intend to penalize employees who have rendered long years of service fulfilling ongoing and necessary functions of the State or its instrumentalities. The said judgment sought to prevent backdoor entries and illegal appointments that circumvent constitutional requirements. However, where appointments were not illegal but possibly “irregular,” and where employees had served continuously against the backdrop of sanctioned functions for a considerable period, the need for a fair and humane resolution becomes paramount. Prolonged, continuous, and unblemished service performing tasks inherently required on a regular basis can, over the time, transform what was initially ad-hoc or temporary into a scenario demanding fair regularization. In a recent judgement of this Page 8 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 Court in Vinod Kumar and Ors. Etc. Vs. Union of India & Ors. 5, it was held that held that procedural formalities cannot be used to deny regularization of service to an employee whose appointment was termed "temporary" but has performed the same duties as performed by the regular employee over a considerable period in the capacity of the regular employee. The relevant paras of this judgement have been reproduced below: “6. The application of the judgment in Uma Devi (supra) by the High Court does not fit squarely with the facts at hand, given the specific circumstances under which the appellants were employed and have continued their service. The reliance on procedural formalities at the outset cannot be used to perpetually deny substantive rights that have accrued over a considerable period through continuous service. Their promotion was based on a specific notification for vacancies and a subsequent circular, followed by a selection process involving written tests and interviews, which distinguishes their case from the appointments through back door entry as discussed in the case of Uma Devi (supra). 7. The judgement in the case Uma Devi (supra) also distinguished between “irregular” and “illegal” appointments underscoring the importance of considering certain appointments even if were not made strictly in accordance with the prescribed Rules and Procedure, cannot be said to have been made illegally if they had followed the procedures of regular appointments such as conduct of written examinations or interviews as in the present case…” 21. The High Court placed undue emphasis on the initial label of the appellants’ engagements and the outsourcing decision taken after their dismissal. Courts must look beyond the surface labels and consider the realities of employment: continuous, long-term service, indispensable duties, and absence of any mala fide or illegalities in their appointments. In that light, refusing regularization simply because their original terms did not explicitly state so, or because an outsourcing policy was belatedly introduced, would be contrary to principles of fairness and equity. 26. While the judgment in Uma Devi (supra) sought to curtail the practice of backdoor entries and ensure appointments adhered to constitutional principles, it is regrettable that its principles are often misinterpreted or misapplied to deny legitimate claims of long serving employees. This judgment aimed to distinguish between “illegal” and “irregular” appointments. It categorically held that employees in irregular appointments, who were engaged in duly sanctioned posts and had served continuously for more than ten Page 9 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 years, should be considered for regularization as a one-time measure. However, the laudable intent of the judgment is being subverted when institutions rely on its dicta to indiscriminately reject the claims of employees, even in cases where their appointments are not illegal, but merely lack adherence to procedural formalities. Government departments often cite the judgment in Uma Devi (supra) to argue that no vested right to regularization exists for temporary employees, overlooking the judgment's explicit acknowledgment of cases where regularization is appropriate. This selective application distorts the judgment's spirit and purpose, effectively weaponizing it against employees who have rendered indispensable services over decades.” 10. The aforesaid observations are sufficient to hold that the Tribunal was not justified in denying relief to the appellants by relying upon the decision in Umadevi (3) and Ors. (supra). The High Court also erred in affirming the decision of the Tribunal. The appellants are entitled to similar reliefs as granted by this Court in Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra) as well as in Raman Kumar and Ors. (supra). 11. For all the aforesaid reasons, the judgment of the High Court dated 26.08.2019 in M.P. No.3460/2018 is set aside. The services of the appellants be regularized from 01.07.2006 on the same terms as made applicable in Ravi Verma and Ors. (supra) as well as in Raman Kumar and Ors. (supra). The benefits be released in favour of the appellants within a period of three months from today. Page 10 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019 12. The applicants in Interim Application No.42233/2020, who were impleaded as party respondents in view of the order dated 15.03.2021 are also entitled to the aforesaid reliefs. 13. The Civil Appeal stands allowed in aforesaid terms with no order as to costs. 14. Pending applications, if any, shall also stand disposed of. ..………………………..J. [ J.K. MAHESHWARI ] .…..………………………..J. [ATUL S. CHANDURKAR] NEW DELHI, FEBRUARY 13, 2026. Page 11 of 11 Civil Appeal arising out of SLP(C) No.29214 of 2019

Saturday, February 14, 2026

Vanished lives

Vanished lives

Hundreds of people are going missing in the State annually, leaving their dear ones depressed and puzzled, and the investigators searching for leads. While some may return, others stay unseen, never to return. Mithosh Joseph talks to friends and family members of a few such persons and investigators to get into the core of the complex issue

1 of 3

A newly printed photograph of Thomas John, a 42-year-old farmer, hangs on the wall of Pazhamchirayil House, a small concrete residence at Kavumkudi, near Alakode, in Kannur district.

Simi, his wife, and their three children are yet to come to terms with the sudden loss that has befallen them. She’s yet to overcome the grief caused by the loss of her husband. The thoughts of her life partner, who went missing in November last year, only to be found dead near a river, still haunt her.

“We approached the local police station within a few hours of confirming his disappearance. As he was upset over the repayment of debt in the preceding weeks, we were worried when he just vanished,” recalls Simi, who nurses a grievance that the police refused to consider her complaint seriously. “Had the police responded quickly, he would have been among us now,” she says.

Simi complains that the police delayed the search on the reported grounds that they couldn’t track his mobile phone location. “They said the search could be launched only after waiting for at least 24 hours. Because of their indifference, we searched with the support of residents. Sadly, we found him, dead, the same day,” she wails.

The latest figures with the police confirm that the State is seeing a surge in the number of cases related to missing persons over the past five years. Official data show that cases of 8,742 missing persons were registered in 2020. It increased to 9,713 in 2021 and to 11,259 in 2022. Next year, it was 11,760 and 11,897 in 2024.

“Despite the high number of missing persons, Kerala maintains a relatively high success rate in tracing them. Timely reporting of the cases and the proactive approach of the police are making the difference,” claims a senior police officer with the Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU) in Kerala.

The uneven trends in the number of missing cases become clear in the district-level data compiled by the State Crime Records Bureau. In the rural areas of Thiruvananthapuram district, the number of missing cases showed an increasing trend in the past few years. The total number of cases which was 630 in 2022 almost doubled and reached 1,177 in 2023. But there was a slight fall in 2024.

The rural areas of Ernakulam district also witnessed an increasing trend from 508 in 2020 to 892 in 2023. Later, the numbers dropped slightly to 648 in 2024. In Idukki, the police registered over 1,000 missing cases in 2023. In northern Kerala, districts such as Kannur (rural) and Kasaragod witnessed comparatively lower figures, say police sources.

Missing children

The child disappearance cases also remain a concern for the law enforcement agencies.

As per the Crime Records Bureau data, over 10,000 child missing cases have been reported in Kerala over the past five years, though most children were traced. The police and the families are clueless about over 500 missing children about whom nothing is known after their disappearance. Family disputes, relationship and financial issues, and the influence of social media are the contributing factors for their disappearance, say police officers.

Jurisdictional constraints

“Delayed reporting of the incidents, lack of an integrated real-time database, and jurisdictional constraints often affect investigation in the early stages,” says S. Muraleedharan, a retired police officer who had worked with the AHTU squad.

With the number of missing person cases going up, there is a need for early registration of complaints, improved data-sharing mechanisms, coordination between government and law enforcement agencies, and greater public awareness, he points out.

Police officers with regional crime squads concede that delayed reporting is one of the most important obstacles in missing person investigations. In many cases, families are advised to wait for some time before lodging a complaint, especially when an adult goes missing. This practice, investigators feel, could delay the investigation.

“Investigation during the first few hours of the disappearance of a person is often critical in collecting digital evidence, tracing their movements, and identifying potential witnesses,” notes S. Ranjith, a police officer with the High Tech crime inquiry cell. He points out that delays can result in the loss of mobile phone data, surveillance footage, and other time-sensitive information, crucial in the investigation.

A substantial number of missing person cases in Kerala involve adolescents and young adults. Data from districts such as Kozhikode, Ernakulam, and Thiruvananthapuram show that individuals aged between 16 and 25 years account for a major share of the reported disappearance cases.

“Many of these cases eventually turn out to be instances of elopement, voluntary departure or temporary estrangement from families,” says a senior woman police inspector involved in the probe of a few such cases in Kozhikode. She observes that cyber interactions, exposure to unknown networks, and impetuous decision-making often end up in family conflicts, provoking youngsters to leave home.

“Girls account for a high number of reported missing cases. Many girls leave their homes due to failed personal relationships or family disputes. They are vulnerable to sexual exploitation, trafficking or other forms of abuse,” says a former member of the Child Welfare Committee. She says instances of missing children from various shelter homes under government control need to be seriously looked into.

A. Nireesh, former coordinator of a helpline for children, says that the factors that trigger the disappearance of people, especially children, need to be looked into. There shall be programmes for long-term protection, counselling, and rehabilitation of such persons, he suggests.

Rights activists also observe that there could be involvement of criminal elements at least in a few cases of disappearance of persons. The missing case of K. Hemachandran, a Wayanad native temporarily residing in Kozhikode city, is one such case.

Hemachandran, who ran a private chit fund in the city, went missing in August 2023. It was after 16 months that the police succeeded in solving the mystery that shrouded the disappearance of the businessman. The police found out that he had been murdered and the body buried.

“Hemachandran was abducted and murdered following some financial disputes. His body was recovered from a forest area at Cherambadi in Tamil Nadu, where it was buried,” says a senior police officer who was part of the investigation team.

Hemachandran’s family members say a leaked telephone conversation of one of his abductors helped crack the case. They, however, maintain that a focussed probe would have helped in solving the case.

In contrast, there are many high-profile cases that still remain mysterious. There is no clue yet about the disappearance of a prominent realtor Mohammed Attoor, alias Mami, from Kozhikode in 2023. The two-year-long probe, initially by the local police and later the Crime Branch, could not solve the mystery. Despite extensive interrogation covering nearly 200 individuals linked to Mami, and other investigations, a breakthrough has remained elusive.

P. Rajeevan, a friend of Mami, fears that he might have been abducted. He accuses the police of failing to pursue the case with alacrity.

Incidents of substance abuse have also been found contributing to the increasing number of missing cases. It was after a five-year-long probe into the disappearance of 35-year-old Vijil from Elathur that the police were able to establish it as a case of death due to a drug overdose. His friends allegedly buried him to cover up the incident rather than report it to the police.

Police officers feel that narcotics-induced deaths are an under-recognised factor in missing person cases. They point out that it often involves concealment driven by fear and misinformation.

“When missing persons move from one location to another, their tracking becomes difficult for want of coordination between the agencies based at different locations. The absence of a unified real-time missing persons tracking system often results in the generation of fragmented information,” says an IT expert with the police cyber cell. He also points out that shortage of hands, heavy workload, and the growing number of cybercrime limit the operational capacity of the police force.

Shift in approach called for

Meanwhile, professional counsellors, who often deal with the rehabilitation of missing persons, believe that there should be a shift in the approach to handling the persons. According to them, the police often look into procedural aspects of the case first when they come across a complaint, rather than understanding the complainant’s concerns and the need for prompt intervention. A fast-track investigation should be ensured with all supporting agencies to trace the missing person. A proactive intervention is often needed to help the victims come back to society, they feel.

Psychologists A. Dhanya and P.V. Jincy say there should be interventions to remove the procedural and technical hurdles involved in tracking the missing persons and rehabilitating them.

Investigation during the first few hours of the disappearance of a person is often critical in collecting digital evidence, tracing their movements, and identifying potential witnesses

S. Ranjith,

High Tech police crime inquiry cell

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