Friday, July 31, 2020

Rigorous consultations done before framing new National Education Policy’

Rigorous consultations done before framing new National Education Policy’Education Minister says there will be a major effort from both the Centre and the States to invest in a large number of teachers in all regional languages
01/08/2020 


The State governments will take a decision on the medium of instruction in schools under their jurisdiction, Education Minister Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank says on the new National Education Policy (NEP). He expresses concern over a severe scarcity of skilled language teachers and the policy’s recommendations on governance and financing reforms.

Is the policy decision to make the mother tongue the medium of instruction till Class 5 going to be implemented mandatorily across the country, or is it optional for each State Education Department to adopt? Has the Centre taken the States’ views on board on this issue? Have any States raised concerns on implementing this?

The Ministry of Education has conducted a rigorous consultation process to ensure an inclusive, participatory and holistic approach while framing the NEP. Over two lakh suggestions from 2.5 lakh gram panchayats, 6,600 blocks, 6,000 urban local bodies (ULBs), 676 districts were received.

Most developed countries have made an earnest effort to ensure that the child studies in the mother tongue so that both parents and children participate in education in the early years of the child. Young children learn and grasp non-trivial concepts more quickly in their home language/mother tongue.

Thereby, the New Education Policy states that, “Wherever possible, the medium of instruction until at least Grade 5, but preferably till Grade 8 and beyond, will be the home language/mother tongue/ local language/ regional language.” The RTE Act 2009 also states that the medium of instruction, as far as practicable, shall be the mother tongue.

The decision regarding the medium of instruction in schools coming under their jurisdiction is to be taken by the respective State governments.

What is the timeline for implementing this decision? Are there sufficient teachers trained for this in all regional languages?

There has been a severe scarcity of skilled language teachers in India. There will be a major effort from both the Central and State governments to invest in large numbers of language teachers in all regional languages around the country, and, in particular, for all languages mentioned in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India. States from different regions of India may enter into bilateral agreements to hire teachers in large numbers from each other, to satisfy the three-language formula in their respective States, and also to encourage the study of Indian languages across the country.

Language teaching too must be improved to be more experiential and to focus on the ability to converse and interact in the language and not just on the literature, vocabulary, and grammar of the language. Languages must be used more extensively for conversation and for teaching-learning.

A number of initiatives will be adopted to foster languages in school as well as higher education. Strong departments and programmes in Indian languages, comparative literature, creative writing, arts, music, philosophy, etc. will be launched and developed across the country, and degrees including four-year B.Ed. dual degrees will be developed in these subjects.

Will the private and public schools affiliated to the CBSE and the ICSE be asked to mandatorily convert to teaching in the mother tongue only till Class 5? How about Kendriya Vidyalayas that are directly controlled by the Centre?

The beauty of this policy is flexibility. The intent of the policy follows the mandate given under the Right to Education Act. We will try to take everyone along in the process of making a vibrant India.

The NEP mentions traditional Indian knowledge systems to be included in the curriculum. What are some of the topics and themes you think need to be included, and who are the experts that the Centre will rope in to ensure that this is done?

We have just come out with the policy. This will be the mandate of the National Curriculum Framework Committee to decide what topics constitute traditional Indian knowledge systems.

“Knowledge of India” will include knowledge from ancient India and its contributions to modern India and its successes and challenges, and a clear sense of India’s future aspirations with regard to education, health, environment, etc. These elements will be incorporated in an accurate and scientific manner throughout the school curriculum wherever relevant.

The original NEP draft from Dr. K. Kasturirangan’s panel had proposed a Rashtriya Shiksha Aayog as an apex body to oversee all education in the country to be headed by the Prime Minister. Why was this removed from the final policy?

Upon conducting several rounds of consultations, it was decided that there is a dire need to strengthen and empower the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) which will have a much greater mandate and not only be a forum for widespread consultation and examination of issues relating to educational and cultural development.

The remodelled and rejuvenated CABE will be responsible for developing, articulating, evaluating, and revising the vision of education in the country on a continuous basis, in close collaboration with the Ministry of Education and the corresponding apex bodies of States. It shall also create and continuously review the institutional frameworks that shall help attain this vision.

The Higher Education Commission of India (HECI) Bill has been at the draft stage for over a year now. When will it be introduced in Parliament?

The Ministry of Education is almost ready with the Cabinet note for the same and will take approval of the government soon.

Will the proposed increase of public funding for education to 6% of GDP be sufficient to finance all the proposed reforms? If not, how does the Centre propose to raise the needed funds for implementation?

The Centre and the States will work together to increase the public investment in the education sector to reach 6% of GDP at the earliest.

In particular, financial support will be provided to various critical elements and components of education, such as ensuring universal access, learning resources, nutritional support, matters of student safety and well-being, adequate numbers of teachers and staff, teacher development, and support for all key initiatives towards equitable high-quality education for underprivileged and socio-economically disadvantaged groups.

Why was it important to change the name of the Ministry from Human Resource Development to Education?

The name shifts the focus to the core work of the Ministry. The core work is imparting education to the millions of children and youth of the country. Now every personnel working in the Ministry will have this constant vision before him to improve the education system of the country.

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Coronavirus Infections Much Higher Than Reported Cases in Parts of U.S., Study Shows


Data from antibody tests in 10 different cities and states indicate that many people with no symptoms may be spreading the virus.

Credit...Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

The findings suggest that large numbers of people who did not have symptoms or did not seek medical care may have kept the virus circulating in their communities.

The study indicates that even the hardest-hit area in the study — New York City, where nearly one in four people has been exposed to the virus — is nowhere near achieving herd immunity, the level of exposure at which the virus would stop spreading in a particular city or region. Experts believe 60 percent of people in an area would need to have been exposed to the coronavirus to reach herd immunity.

The analysis, based on antibody tests, is the largest of its kind to date; a study of a subset of cities and states was released last month.


About 40 percent of infected people do not develop symptoms, but they may still pass the virus on to others. The United States now tests roughly 700,000 people a day. The new results highlight the need for much more testing to detect infection levels and contain the viral spread in various parts of the country.

For example, in Missouri, the prevalence of infections is 13 times the reported rate, suggesting that the state missed most people with the virus who may have contributed to its outsized outbreak.

Dr. Havers emphasized that even those who do not know their infection status should wear cloth face coverings, practice social distancing and wash their hands frequently.


The results indicate that in vast swaths of the country, the coronavirus still has touched only a small fraction of the population. In Utah, for example, just over one percent of people had been exposed to the virus by early June. The rate was 2.2 percent for Minneapolis-St. Paul as of the first week of June, 3.6 percent for the Philadelphia metropolitan region as of May 30 and 1 percent for the San Francisco Bay Area as of April 30.

In some regions, the gap between estimated infections and reported cases decreased as testing capacity and reporting improved. New York City, for example, showed a 12-fold difference between actual infections and the reported rate in early April, and a 10-fold difference in early May.

“This is not coming as a shock or surprise to epidemiologists,” Carl Bergstrom, an infectious diseases expert at the University of Washington in Seattle, said in an email. “All along, we have expected that only about 10 percent of the cases will be reported.”


Tracking the numbers over time can provide useful insights into the virus’ spread and about a region’s capacity to cope with the epidemic, other experts said.

“The fact that they’re sort of marking it out over time and looking at it over a longer duration will actually be super-informative,” said Dr. Rochelle Walensky, a researcher at Harvard University who wrote an editorial accompanying the JAMA paper.

For example, South Florida ticked up to 2.9 percent as of April 24 from 1.9 percent just two weeks earlier. Missouri’s numbers barely budged from 2.7 percent as of April 26 to 2.8 percent as of May 30. Numbers for both regions are likely to be much higher in the next round of analyses because of the surge of infections in those regions since those dates.

New York City showed the biggest leap in its rate, from 6.9 percent as of April 1 to 23.3 percent as of May 6, consistent with its outbreak.


The city’s estimate closely matches the 22.7 percent prevalence found by a state survey, which tested patrons in supermarkets from April 19-28.

Some experts criticized the state survey at the time because people shopping during the lockdown were more likely to be young, or might have recovered from illness and felt safe.

“These consistent results offer mutual support to two very different methods used,” Eli Rosenberg, an epidemiologist at the State University of New York at Albany and lead author of the state study.

The C.D.C. study also has limitations, Dr. Walensky said, because many of the people who ventured out during the lockdowns for tests or were hospitalized would have been severely ill, and might not have been representative of the general population.


Each region also varied “in terms of where they were on their own epidemic curve and varied in terms of the amount of testing that they did,” she said.

The study also did not collect data on race, ethnicity, diagnostic and symptom history or prevention behaviors, Dr. Rosenberg said. “The approach used in the grocery store study allows for these data collections by pairing the specimen collection with a survey,” he said.

Still, experts said the findings were valuable, despite limitations.

“This population may not be exactly representative of the population as a whole, but the hope is that it is close enough to allow us to draw meaningful conclusions,” Dr. Bergstrom said.

Several recent studies have suggested that antibody levels, especially in people with mild or no symptoms, may quickly decline. If that’s true, surveys like the C.D.C.’s might reflect only people who were infected within the previous two to three months, Dr. Rosenberg said, “and complicate interpretation of results over time.”

Coronavirus Testing
Months Into Virus Crisis, U.S. Cities Still Lack Testing Capacity
July 6, 2020
Actual Coronavirus Infections Vastly Undercounted, C.D.C. Data Shows
June 27, 2020
You May Have Antibodies After Coronavirus Infection. But Not for Long.
June 18, 2020
New Yorkers Are Getting Antibody Test Results. And They Are Anxious.
June 4, 2020
1 in 5 New Yorkers May Have Had Covid-19, Antibody Tests Suggest
April 23, 2020
Infected but Feeling Fine: The Unwitting Coronavirus Spreaders
March 31, 2020
Correction: 

An earlier version of this article misstated the journal in which the new study was published. It is JAMA Internal Medicine, not JAMA. 

Apoorva Mandavilli is a reporter for The Times, focusing on science and global health. She is the 2019 winner of the Victor Cohn Prize for Excellence in Medical Science Reporting. @apoorva_nyc

A version of this article appears in print on 
July 22, 2020
, Section A, Page 9 of the New York edition with the headline: C.D.C. Finds Big Differences in Infections vs. Reported Cases. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe
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A long road .The Centre will have to convince States that the National Education Policy benefits all

The National Education Policy 2020 announced by the Ministry of Human Resource Development sets for itself the goal of transforming the system to meet the needs of 21st Century India. In a federal system, any educational reform can be implemented only with support from the States, and the Centre has the giant task of building a consensus on the many ambitious plans. The policy, inter alia, aims to eliminate problems of pedagogy, structural inequities, access asymmetries and rampant commercialisation. The NEP 2020 is the first omnibus policy after the one issued in 1986, and it has to contend with multiple crises in the system. It is no secret that primary schools record shockingly poor literacy and numeracy outcomes, dropout levels in middle and secondary schools are significant, and the higher education system has generally failed to meet the aspirations for multi-disciplinary programmes. In structural terms, the NEP’s measures to introduce early childhood education from age 3, offer school board examinations twice a year to help improve performance, move away from rote learning, raise mathematical skills for everyone, shift to a four-year undergraduate college degree system, and create a Higher Education Commission of India represent major changes. Progress on these crucially depends on the will to spend the promised 6% of GDP as public expenditure on education. The policy also says that wherever possible, the medium of instruction in schools until at least Class 5, but preferably until Class 8 and beyond, will be the home language or mother tongue or regional language. This is a long-held view, and has its merits, although in a large and diverse country where mobility is high, the student should have the option to study in the language that enables a transfer nationally. English has performed that role due to historical factors.

There are some good elements to the NEP 2020 that will generate little friction, and need only adequate resourcing. Provision of an energy-filled breakfast, in addition to the nutritious mid-day meal, to help children achieve better learning outcomes, is one. Creation of ‘inclusion funds’ to help socially and educationally disadvantaged children pursue education is another. Where the policy fails to show rigour, however, is on universalisation of access, both in schools and higher education; the Right to Education needs specific measures to succeed. Moreover, fee regulations exist in some States even now, but the regulatory process is unable to rein in profiteering in the form of unaccounted donations. The idea of a National Higher Education Regulatory Council as an apex control organisation is bound to be resented by States. Similarly, a national body for aptitude tests would have to convince the States of its merits. Among the many imperatives, the deadline to achieve universal literacy and numeracy by 2025 should be a top priority as a goal that will crucially determine progress at higher levels.



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Should the government go easy on the telecom sector?

Should the government go easy on the telecom sector?The imbroglio over adjusted gross revenues has shaken the once-booming sector’s foundations
31/07/2020 

Following years of breathtaking subscriber growth, tele-density is showing signs of strain. Some telecom players are facing an existential crisis due to brutal competition and the government demanding unpaid dues. At the same time, investors of different hues are lining up to invest in the space, signalling a belief that the industry still holds prospects of juicy returns. In a conversation moderated by K. Bharat Kumar, B.K. Syngal and V. Sridhar discuss what lies in store for the industry. Edited excerpts:

Consumer demand has recently been impacted. Is that affecting the subscriber base as well, as we see tele-density slipping?

B.K. Syngal (BKS): Tele-density has been increasing since the early 2000s. The trigger point was in 1999 when we moved away from upfront licence fee payments to a pay-as-you-go regime. In the lower rung of consumers, movement is higher as well as temperamental. The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) itself admitted at one point that the actual numbers are 30% lower than the numbers being bandied about. So, I am not unduly worried. This could be a COVID-19 effect where mass movement of migrant labour and joblessness could have resulted in surrendered SIM cards.

V. Sridhar (VS): What worries me is not so much the urban tele-density, but the mobile broadband reach. Recent statistics show we have 656 million mobile broadband subscribers and too few — about 19 million — fixed broadband subscribers. The good news in mobile broadband is that over one year, it has risen by about 200 million to reach here. But we still have a lot of ground to cover. The second worrying aspect is fixed broadband. We have about 35 million fixed line subscribers, and only 19 million broadband subscribers. Especially when we are moving towards work from home, long-distance education, tele-medicine and the like being dependent on connectivity, we need a reliable fixed line broadband network.

Will the imbroglio over adjusted gross revenues shake the industry’s foundations?

BKS: The government is demanding penal interest from telecom operators which, in a way, defines them as wilful defaulters. They are not wilful defaulters. That is one big flaw in the AGR [adjusted gross revenue] imbroglio. The second big flaw is that the case has been going on for the last 15-16 years. And the government has merrily calculated interest on the basis of the number of years, at some LIBOR plus 2% or something like that. Now, how on earth is the industry to be blamed for the delay? The delay has been from both sides. The industry went to court and had a favourable judgment from TDSAT, which was very clear that you cannot have AGR included for non-telecom services. The government decided to go against that judgment to the Supreme Court. That dragged on and on. Finally, last year, this judgment came out of the Supreme Court. Of course, the entire saga is predicated on the faulty definition of AGR accepted by industry while migrating from a fixed licence fee to the variable license fee regime. Little did the industry realise the consequences of that hasty acceptance.

Here’s another interesting angle: Justice Bobde, in the Devas case, asked Devas, ‘Why don’t you waive off the interest because our liability is increasing every day?’ Now, why can’t the same principle be applied to this case too? To get out of this stalemate, a bold executive decision on the lines of 1999 is needed.

VS: AGR comprises the regulatory fees that are broadly categorised into two areas. One is the licence fee which is 5% universal service obligation fee (USOF) plus 3% as licence fee. So that is 8%. Second comes the spectrum usage charges that range from 1% for 2,300 MHz up to 7-8%. This is huge. We are talking probably about 15% of the AGR as regulatory fees for the government. This is a flawed policy. In any country, the licence fee is not more than 3%, including the USOF. There is no reason why the government should levy a spectrum usage when the spectrum is auctioned. In the last auction in 2016, telcos coughed up ₹60,000 crore on buying spectrum. Spectrum is not something that will deteriorate. It doesn’t have depreciation or management costs associated with it. Now, the Supreme Court has just gone by the executive order, which says that this is the adjusted gross revenue due from these companies, and therefore, they have to pay that. The only thing that can be done is for the Department of Telecommunication to take a decision on cancelling or revising the AGR due, excluding the penalty.

Both the government and industry have said they would not come back with a recalculation. Are we setting ourselves up for a 2- or 3-player market?

VS: If this pulls on, Vodafone UK may not continue to infuse capital into the Indian company. That means we are looking at three operators now. The world over, even in the U.S., in specific areas, there are only three or four operators. That is not really bad as long as the three are equipped to compete. Right now, we are looking at a monopoly emerging in Indian telecom. That will not be good for the consumer.

BKS: There are other issues here: we are taxing the industry’s success in perpetuity at 33%;There are cases worldwide; for example, Ofcom, the U.K.’s communications regulator, told the government that industry just couldn’t be in a mode of paying windfall profits all the time. The industry here should ask the government for revenue neutralisation.

The average revenue per user (ARPU) will have to go up if the industry’s health has to improve. But can it?

VS: According to the ITU’s ICT price basket study, India is ranked 49th in the mobile broadband data plans. So, for about 1.5 GB per month on our average data plan, ARPU is at about $4.75 per month, adjusted for purchasing power parity. The world average, according to the GSM database, is about $8.45. We are very low compared to the international average. The ARPU has to go up. Here’s how it could: ARPU can go up based on the content generated or by creating a larger ecosystem, with operators playing the role of not just connectivity and bandwidth providers, but also as solution providers. Telcos can actually tie up with businesses especially in 5G and IoT.

BKS: Data usage per subscriber per month has grown 43 times in the last three years. In September 2016, it was 0.235 GB per subscriber per month; now it is close to 10 GB. There is what I call tariff rebalancing, that is, how to tariff the data vis-a-vis voice — that needs to be looked into. Tariffing of data is still not being properly carried out. There should be reasonable numbers for data charging. Today, about 60% or so of the long distance calls, whether internal or external, are running on Internet or broadband connectivity. People are hardly making any switch calls. Let there be studies as to how much of revenue has migrated away. The regulator should then look into the tariffs for both data and voice. There are still a large number of customers who use basic voice service. So, there has to be a tariff for voice as well. So, look at the tariff and stop this obnoxious, ‘free this, free that’ trend. When Jio came into play and gave some one year of some free services, etc., TRAI should have intervened at that stage saying that the operator ‘was not doing anyone a favour’. The cellular industry got seriously bruised as a result of that laxity by authorities.

Given the financial state of some players, is the industry even ready for 5G auctions?

VS: 5G is not about connectivity and high speed only; it is about creating an ecosystem. For example, in the case of healthcare, it is an ecosystem that would comprise telecom operators, healthcare providers, hospitals, governments, system integrators that provide Internet of Things and machine-to-machine communication. We need to have spectrum so that high bandwidth-intensive applications can be provided to end users. India is poor in allocating spectrum. There are specific spectrum bands which have been pending auction for a while now due to various reasons. We don’t have enough spectrum for operators despite the consolidation that has taken place.

As to affordability, the auction methodology we use is appropriate. But what is wrong is the setting up of the reserve price. They have always set the reserve price based upon the winning bid price of the previous auction, which is never done in any other country. A very high price puts off operators. The 700 MHz spectrum, which went unsold in 2016, has remained vacant for the last four years. What have we got? With a lower reserve price, at least that could have been used.

I advocate actually starting with a zero reserve price.

BKS: The latest count on 5G consumers is something like 100 million worldwide, and 80% of those are in China. Then, there are three technologies today: Huawei-ZTE’s, Nokia’s and Ericsson’s. They are in the process of being standardised. It is the Europeans versus the Chinese. Now with the sanctions, industry is also waiting and watching, as to which technology to choose. They have limited choice, but want technology that is interoperable. Interoperability between networks is a priority. So, operators are asking, ‘why should we be the guinea pigs’? Further, 5G is a bandwidth that has to be used by consumers and consumers must have devices to use that bandwidth. There is also this debate using E and V bands for dense urban areas.

Has anyone discussed health concerns, obstructions and complications? For example, Israel has not adopted the E and V bands yet, because they say there are health hazards. We have to get out of this euphoria and look at practical issues. There is also a debate about the mix of fibre and Wi-Fi hotspots. I believe in applying technology to reach out to the masses.

Let’s not be hung up on 5G technology to provide bandwidths upwards of 100 Mbps. Have no doubt that higher bandwidths are needed, but how to deliver those most effectively and timely, is the question. I have an upgradeable FTTH delivering me 100 Mbps plus; is not that 5G? I think we should wait on 5G auctions, not rush into it. We should educate the government.

What gives global tech majors the confidence to invest in India, albeit so far in one player, Reliance Jio?

VS: Previously, the likes of AT&T or Telstra or Etisalat, would pick up stakes in telecom companies as FDI. Today, it is Facebook, Google and other Internet firms that are putting in money. Why? Because the value proposition is more on the content, and applications are abundant. India’s 650 million mobile broadband subscriber base is a huge potential base for any Internet firm to tap into. So I won’t be surprised if for example, Amazon is interested in picking up a stake in Airtel. Because it will include the synergic operation of e-commerce along with this digital cloud offering as well as connectivity.


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India now has fifth highest COVID-19 fatalities in the world

Seven-day rolling average for daily cases crosses 50,000; new highs in A.P., U.P.
31/07/2020 

In a densely populated country like India, herd immunity cannot be a strategic option because this will come at a very high cost in terms of human lives lost and will cripple the health care system, the Union Health Ministry said on Thursday.

“Herd immunity can only be achieved through immunisation and till then COVID-19 appropriate behaviour is the only way forward,” said Rajesh Bhushan, Officer on Special Duty, Health Ministry, at a press conference.

Maharashtra tops chart

With 786 deaths registered on Thursday, India’s death toll reached 35,800. Maharashtra (266 deaths), Tamil Nadu (100), Karnataka (83), Andhra Pradesh (68) and Uttar Pradesh (57) contributed to the bulk of the fatalities.

India now has the fifth highest death toll in the world, surpassing Italy with 35,132 deaths, according to Johns Hopkins University’s COVID-19 tracker. The seven day rolling average for deaths in India is now 735, next only to the U.S. (1,075) and Brazil (1,052).

The case fatality rate in the country is now 2.18%, which is “among the lowest in the world.. 24 States and Union Territories have a lesser fatality rate than that of the country,” according to the Health Ministry OSD, Rajesh Bhushan.

As many as 54,660 confirmed cases were registered across the country, marking yet another high in daily cases (data from Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh were not available when this report went to press). The seven- day rolling average for cases also crossed the 50,000 mark. The total confirmed cases went up to 16,38,951 with a 64.58% recovery rate (10,58,464 people have recovered while 5,44,687 people are actively infected).

“16 States have a recovery rate more than the national average,” Mr. Bhushan said.

Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh registered 11,147 and 10,167 cases each, both daily highs. The latter had also tested 70,068 samples on July 29, among the highest in States.


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Wednesday, July 29, 2020

The limits of Rahul as Gandhi


He thinks he can further his politics by merely being a moral force but he cannot be a Gandhi in today’s India

Rahul Gandhi’s fitful detours into politics continue to excite his opponents and supporters, followed by predictable reappearances of old obituaries of the dynasty. Mr. Gandhi has met the meltdown in the Congress party in Rajasthan, close on the heels of the collapse of its government in Madhya Pradesh, with cameo digital performances on unrelated topics. Meanwhile, a new chorus for his return as the party president is being orchestrated. An aspiring rebel trapped in the body and privilege of a preordained dynast, Mr. Gandhi’s infectious confusions have disoriented his opponents, supporters and observers alike.

Dynasties are everywhere

The dynasty’s rivals and ringmasters make points that are excusable, but an expert argument that the Gandhis are the sole reason for the absence of a viable non-BJP politics is obtuse. If the dynasty is so bereft of ideas and following, as it is said to be, how can it muffle anyone? What are those who cannot walk over a withered dynasty worth in taking on the BJP and its formidable leader Narendra Modi? The Nehru-Gandhi dynasty could not stop the emergence of an Arvind Kejriwal right under its nose, when it was in power. The Gandhis can be criticised for their inadequacies, but they are not by any long shot responsible for the failure of those who are independently impotent in meeting the Modi challenge.

That the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty is blighted is evident, but the reasons for it are not. The notion of a widespread antipathy towards elites is overstated in the Indian context. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, dynasties do not merely continue to survive, but flourish in all fields, including politics and cinema where direct public approval is essential for success. In the BJP, the Scindia dynasty, across two generations, hold the veto power in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. One reasonable explanation cites Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun who said dynasties flounder by the fourth generation. Mr. Gandhi is fourth generation — or may be fifth — and hence detestable, while all others — the Scindias, Naveen Patnaik, Jagan Mohan Reddy, the Gowda family, the Karunanidhi family — all become acceptable. It is indeed true that Mr. Gandhi has lost the original qualities of his forebears, but that is only one, perhaps a minor, factor in his inability to take off.

Modi versus Rahul Gandhi

Mr. Gandhi’s unpopularity is understood better in comparison with Mr. Modi’s popularity, both uneven across the country. Where Mr. Modi is more popular, Mr. Gandhi is more unpopular. Mr. Gandhi is most derided in the north and the west and among upper castes and new middle classes. His residual popularity comes from the south and among the poorer sections in the BJP strongholds, and religious minorities.

One explanation in 2014 for Mr. Modi’s popularity was that he represented aspiration and hard work and had proven abilities of governance, while Mr. Gandhi represented entitlement and inexperience. That does not explain the regional and class variations. But this theory still held some water, though then too, Mr. Modi’s promise of development, employment, national honour and security came wrapped in Hindutva. The current situation does not merely offer an alternative understanding but demands one. By 2020, the Modi package has been unravelled layer by layer, and all that remains of it is the wrapper — i.e., Hindutva. If Mr. Gandhi is unreliable because he is untested, has Mr. Modi passed the test of governance? If Mr. Modi remains as or more popular than he was in 2014, the only explanation could be the strident cultural agenda that he has delivered on. All frills shorn, the distinguishing feature between the two is Hindutva — while Mr. Modi is its proponent, Mr. Gandhi is its antagonist. If Hindutva can reinforce the popularity of Mr. Modi despite his governance record, is it possible that Mr. Gandhi is the target of a cancel campaign because of his opposition to it, and irrespective of his other attributes, including being a dynast? Mr. Gandhi is being attacked even by Congress leaders for his positions on Jammu and Kashmir, sedition, and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, among other things.

Mr. Gandhi is constrained by environmental factors, primarily the mass appeal of religious majoritarianism, but his inherent deficiencies aggravate them. He believes that the power of his convictions is so strong that he does not need to do anything else, even as he continues to pay the price for those anachronistic beliefs. He bears the cross for all the sins of his forebears but gets no laurels for their contributions. The change has to be in him first, which will in turn enhance his capacity to alter the environment. Assuming that he does not want to become a substitute player of majoritarianism as Mr. Kejriwal has turned himself into, what can Mr. Gandhi do?

Mr. Gandhi has wasted half his life in silly experiments to democratise the Congress, when he should have earned some experience as a Union Minister. He can get his way in the Congress if and only if there are a few thousand Rahul voters in each Assembly constituency. The challenge to his authority within the party can be tackled only through attaining that strength, not by whining about the old guard. Ahmad Patel is responsible for the fall of the Congress only as much as the Gandhis are responsible for the emaciation of opposition politics in India — both equally unreasonable and self-defeating arguments. Mr. Gandhi wants to be the moral force of the party — perhaps like M. K. Gandhi or what his mother Sonia Gandhi used to be at one point. But the moral perch of Indian politics is occupied by his primary opponent, Mr. Modi, who is worshipped as a demigod by a considerable section of the Congress’s erstwhile voters. The only avenue before Mr. Gandhi therefore is one of drudgery.

What Rahul needs to do

His self-perception of being a grand visionary and moral force has meant outsourcing of HR management and knowledge processing — allowing others to act and think on his behalf. If he wants to be in politics, Mr. Gandhi needs to pay attention to who gets the ticket and who is appointed. Assuming that he is as altruistic as he would like the world to believe, he must learn to deal and live with the pelf and perfidy of politics, starting with his own party. He needs to know what the average Congress worker in U.P. and Bihar thinks; he needs to pay attention to details of policy and not merely headlines. He cannot be an ordinary Congress MP as he tries to make it appear. He cannot stand at the door with one leg in and let people walk out of it. Either he leads or he quits. For a dynast there is no midway. A dynast has a baggage to carry; he also has advantages. For instance, the only political family in India that is not identified with a particular religion, caste, region, or sect is the Gandhis. Who knows when that might be fashionable again, after the current sectarian turmoil! Mr. Gandhi could find his moment. But he has no choice of being the home quarantined moralist; he has an outside chance of making it as a workhorse.

varghese.g@thehindu.co.in



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COVID-19 and a country club India must leave Instead, an opportunity awaits the nation to join other states that recognise the value of a just public health-care system


As a billion Indians watch with horror as the pandemic sweeps the land, many look with envy to countries to the east of us where the virus originated, and to the west of us in Europe which were devastated just a few months ago but appear to have beaten the bug and are starting to repair their societies. We can only draw some consolation from the fact that, thankfully, we are not alone in our spectacular failure to contain the pandemic: we have Trump’s U.S. and Bolsonaro’s Brazil to give us company.

The poison of inequalities

Others have also noticed the curious composition of this country club, perhaps the only one in the world which no one wants to be a member of, and have begun to wonder what features these three countries might have in common, apart from the fact that they are all populous, federal, diverse and democratic. No prizes for guessing which is the most common theory which crops up in the fertile imaginations of perceptive observers. But that is not the theory which I believe tells the whole story. My proposal is that what these three countries share is the toxic levels of historic inequalities which affect every structure of society including, most importantly, the health-care system.

The value of investing in a just public health-care system has never been as starkly obvious, for never before have entire countries been brought to their knees by one disease. To be sure, there have been far deadlier epidemics which continue to kill many more people than COVID-19 but they, like HIV, diarrhoeal diseases and tuberculosis, have mostly killed the poor and the marginalised, outside the conscious radar of those in power. More to the point, no previous epidemic brought the engines of the economy to a standstill. If some poor chaps died of a horrible disease in some godforsaken slum, C-grade town or village in the back of beyond, the stock market could not care less. However, on this occasion, for the first time, the wealthy and the powerful in their urban palaces have found themselves marooned. And their high-tech doctors and “super-specialist” hospitals can do little to rescue them.

On universal coverage

What differentiates countries which have been able to pick themselves up and start walking within a few months after their first case was detected from those, like ours, which remain mired in the muck, is the commitment by both the state and civil society to the principles of universal health coverage. To be fair, if universal health coverage was conflated with the simple existence of a publicly financed health-care system, then India, like the United States and Brazil, can already boast to have met this goal. However, this is not what universal health coverage means in spirit: only a system which all people, rich and poor, those in power and those who are powerless, can rely on to be given care with the same quality regardless of their station in society, can be truly considered “universal”.

A question of quality

Such a universal health coverage system does not exist in India, or the U.S. or Brazil, where more than half the population, concentrated in the upper income groups, seeks health care in the fee-for-service private sector. The private sector in India provides almost 80% of outpatient and 60% of inpatient care, as a result of which falling ill is one of the most important contributors to indebtedness in the country. While the government’s much heralded insurance scheme does buffer a segment of our population, the very poor, from impoverishment due to hospital admissions, outpatient care which comprises the bulk of health-care expenditure remains untouched. Whereas universal health coverage is recognised by many countries as a strategy to empower people to lift themselves out of poverty and as a foundation of sustainable development, health care in India has become a leading cause of poverty. The fact that, despite this knowledge, the majority of our people prefer private care, is a damning testimonial to their experiences of the public health-care system.

I have often heard the titans of corporate medicine in India justify their costs by arguing that these are much cheaper than in the U.S. or Europe; such comparisons are ridiculous as they are oblivious of the fact that India’s per capita income places us as one of the poorest countries in the world. But beyond the clearly visible ills of the wholesale commercialisation of health care, there are a host of other challenges to realising universal health coverage, from the standards of our infrastructure to the honesty and competency of health-care workers which contribute to the abysmal quality of care, in both the private and public sectors.

The pandemic has brought the scandalous quality of our health-care system into sharper relief as our daily diet of front-page headlines alternates between the numbers of dead on the one hand with stories of pigs roaming freely and the absence of doctors in public hospitals to shameless profiteering and refusal to care by private hospitals on the other. The proclivity of doctors to irrational medical procedures and drug prescriptions, the lack of dignity with which the poor are cared for, and the legendary levels of corrupt practices across the health-care system are well documented.

At the heart of this pathetic state of affairs is the complete lack of accountability of either the private or public sector, and the absence of the stewardship role of the state in ensuring justice and quality of health care for all its citizens. It comes as no surprise that there is a fundamental breakdown of trust between civil society and the health-care system, exemplified at its most extreme by violence against health-care providers. Fixing the rot will need structural reforms far beyond the top-down “missions” and knee-jerk punitive actions which have dominated our policy-making for over 70 years. But for this to happen, we will need a broad coalition across the political establishment and civil society, in particular the wealthy and ruling classes, to demand change.

A historic opportunity

For the first time, I see the possibility of this happening, as economists, business leaders and politicians who were wont to view the public health-care system as a charitable cause to address disease and death of the poor, to be attended to as a footnote to the task of building our economy, can finally witness as clear as daylight how a dysfunctional, fragmented and unaccountable health-care system will ultimately destroy the economy itself. Even if the pandemic has hit the poor the hardest, it has also crippled the nation. But we need more than just new money for while health care is the wisest investment for the economy, such an investment must be accompanied by a social compact that the same system caters to all. This philosophy of universal health coverage is already practised in diverse ways, including engagement of the private sector, by scores of countries. I cannot imagine a more historic opportunity for India to join that illustrious club.

Vikram Patel is the Pershing Square Professor of Global Health at Harvard Medical School


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Friday, July 24, 2020

പുലിറ്റ്സറെ ആർക്കാണ് പേടി - ജോൺ ബ്രിട്ടാസ്‌ എഴുതുന്നു

സ്വതന്ത്ര മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തനത്തിന്റെ കള്ളിയിൽ നുണകൾ പെരുകുമ്പോൾ സ്വതന്ത്രചിന്തയുടെ അരിവാൾപ്പിടിയിൽ നമ്മൾ മുറുക്കിപ്പിടിക്കണം.” മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തനത്തിന്റെ ആദ്യക്ഷരങ്ങൾ നുകരുന്ന വേളയിൽ ആരോ പറഞ്ഞ് മനസ്സിൽ പതിഞ്ഞ വാചകങ്ങളാണിത്. ഏതാനും ആ‍ഴ്ചകളായി കേരളത്തിലെ മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തനം ചുറ്റിത്തിരിയുന്ന ഭ്രമണപഥം സമഗ്രമായ പരിശോധനയ്‌ക്ക്‌ വിധേയമാക്കേണ്ട ഒന്നാണ്. അരിമണികൾ വറുത്തെടുക്കുന്ന രൂപത്തിലാണ് നുണകൾ പ്രവഹിക്കുന്നത്. എവിടെ നിന്ന് എപ്പോൾ എന്ന് മാത്രം പ്രവചിക്കാൻ ക‍ഴിയില്ല. കാമ്പും ക‍ഴമ്പും ഉള്ള വാർത്താശകലങ്ങൾ ചിരഞ്ജീവികളാണ്. എന്നാൽ നമുക്കിടയിൽ ഇപ്പോൾ വരുന്ന വാർത്തകൾക്ക് അൽപ്പായുസ്സ് മാത്രമേയുള്ളൂ. ഇവിടെയാണ് സ്വതന്ത്രചിന്തയുടെ പ്രസക്തി. രാഷ്‌ട്രീയം പാപമാണെന്ന് കരുതുന്ന മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തകരുടെ എണ്ണം സമൂഹത്തിൽ അനുദിനം വർധിച്ചുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുകയാണ്. രാഷ്ട്രീയ കാ‍ഴ്‌ചപ്പാടും നിലപാടുമൊക്കെ മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തനത്തിൽ വിദൂരക്കാ‍ഴ്ചയുടെ ജാലകങ്ങളാണ് തുറന്നിടുക എന്ന വസ്തുത വിസ്‌മരിക്കപ്പെടുകയാണ്.

പക്ഷപാതിത്വം എന്നത് രാഷ്‌ട്രീയത്തിന് മേൽ മാത്രം ചാർത്തപ്പെടുന്ന ഒരു ഘടകമാണ്. അത് ലോപിച്ച് ഇപ്പോൾ ഇടതുപക്ഷ രാഷ്ട്രീയം മാത്രമാണ് പക്ഷപാതിത്വത്തിന്റെ ഇന്നത്തെ ഏകചിഹ്നം! നമ്മുടെ ചാനലുകളിൽ വന്നിരിക്കുന്ന നിരീക്ഷകരെയും ബുദ്ധിജീവികളെയും നോക്കുക. അവർക്ക് ഇടതുപക്ഷ രാഷ്ട്രീയം ഉണ്ടെങ്കിൽ അത് പ്രത്യേകമായി ആലേഖനം  ചെയ്യപ്പെടും. വലതുപക്ഷ നിരീക്ഷകനോ ഇടതുപക്ഷ വിരുദ്ധനോ കറകളഞ്ഞ ‘നിഷ്‌പക്ഷൻ’ ആയിരിക്കും. ലോകത്തിലെ എണ്ണപ്പെട്ട എല്ലാ പത്രാധിപന്മാർക്കും പ്രകടമായ രാഷ്ടീയം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു. ഇന്ത്യയിൽ  മഹാത്മാഗാന്ധിയും നെഹ്റുവും ചലപതി റാവുവും രാംനാഥ് ഗോയങ്കയും ഉൾപ്പെടെയുള്ളവർ തങ്ങളുടെ രാഷ്ട്രീയം എടുത്ത് പറഞ്ഞാണ് മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തനം നടത്തിയത്. കേരളത്തിൽ കേസരിക്കും  കൗമുദി ബാലകൃഷ്ണനും  കെ പി കേശവമേനോനും  ഇ എം എസിനും പി ഗോവിന്ദപിള്ളയ്‌ക്കുമൊക്കെ അടിയുറച്ച രാഷ്ട്രീയ വിശ്വാസങ്ങൾ ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു.


 

സിനിമാക്കാർക്ക് ഓസ്‌കർ എന്നപോലെയാണ്‌ മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തകർക്ക് പുലിറ്റ്സർ പുരസ്കാരം. ജോസഫ് പുലിറ്റ്സർ എന്ന കറകളഞ്ഞ അമേരിക്കൻ രാഷ്ട്രീയക്കാരന്റെ പേരിലുള്ളതാണ് ഈ പുകൾപെറ്റ പുരസ്കാരം. ഡെമോക്രാറ്റിക് പാർടിയുടെ നേതാവും അമേരിക്കൻ കോൺഗ്രസ് അംഗവുമായിരുന്നു ജോസഫ് പുലിറ്റ്സർ. രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന് അതീതമായി ജാതിയുടെയും മതത്തിന്റെയും വർഗത്തിന്റെയും മറ്റ് അനേകം ഘടകങ്ങളുടെയും പേരിലുള്ള പക്ഷപാതിത്വങ്ങളും രഹസ്യ അജണ്ടകളുമൊന്നും നമ്മുടെ മാധ്യമപ്രവർത്തകർക്ക് വിഷയമല്ല.

സ്വർണക്കടത്തുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട് ജൂലൈ 5 മുതൽ മുഖ്യധാരാ മാധ്യമങ്ങളിൽ വറുത്ത് കോരിയ വാർത്തകളുടെ അനാട്ടമി എടുത്താൽ സ്വതന്ത്രചിന്തയുടെ അനിവാര്യത അടിവരയിടപ്പെടും.

ചില ഉദാഹരണങ്ങൾ നോക്കാം:

സ്വപ്‌നാ സുരേഷിന് വേണ്ടി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ ഓഫീസിൽനിന്ന് കസ്റ്റംസിലേക്ക്‌ വിളി പോയി.
●അത്തരത്തിലൊരു ഫോൺകോളും വന്നിട്ടില്ലെന്ന് അന്വേഷണ ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥനായ കസ്റ്റംസ്ജോയിന്റ് കമീഷണർ അനീഷ് ബി വെളിപ്പെടുത്തി. കസ്റ്റംസിൽ വിളിച്ചത് ഒരു ട്രേഡ് യൂണിയൻ നേതാവെന്ന് വാർത്ത. ഏത് ട്രേഡ് യൂണിയൻ എന്നത് മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ മറച്ചുവച്ചു. എൻഐഎ അന്വേഷണം വന്നതോടെ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ ഓഫീസിന്റെയും സർക്കാരിന്റെയും കാര്യം പരുങ്ങലിലായി എന്ന്‌ ആഖ്യാനം. പ്രധാനമന്ത്രിക്ക് അയച്ച മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ കത്താണ് ഇത്തരമൊരു അന്വേഷണത്തിന്റെ നിദാനം എന്നത്‌ മറച്ച്പിടിക്കപ്പെടുന്നു.

എം ശിവശങ്കർ ഐഎഎസിനെ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി സംരക്ഷിക്കുകയാണ്
●നരേന്ദ്രമോഡി പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി ആയതിനുശേഷം അഖിലേന്ത്യാ സർവീസിലെ സസ്പെൻഷൻ സംബന്ധിച്ച നടപടിക്രമങ്ങൾ ഭേദഗതി ചെയ്തിരുന്നു. പ്രകടമായ തെളിവുകൾ അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ചീഫ് സെക്രട്ടറിയുടെ സമിതിയുടെ റിപ്പോർട്ട് ഇതായിരുന്നു മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ നിലപാട്. റിപ്പോർട്ട് വന്നപ്പോൾ ശിവശങ്കറുടെ ചെയ്‌തികൾ ചോദ്യം ചെയ്യപ്പെട്ടു. ശിവശങ്കർ സസ്‌പെൻഷനിലാവുകയും ചെയ്തു.

ശിവശങ്കറിനെ തൊടാൻ മടിക്കുന്നതിന്റെ കാരണം ലാവ്‌ലിൻ കേസിൽ പിണറായിയെ തുണച്ചതിനുള്ള ഉദ്ദിഷ്ടകാര്യ ഉപകാര സ്മരണ. കെഎസ്ഇബി ചെയർമാന്റെ പദവി ദുരുപയോഗം ചെയ്ത് പിണറായിയെ കേസിൽനിന്ന് രക്ഷിക്കാൻ ശിവശങ്കർ ശ്രമിച്ചു. 
●ലാവ്‌ലിൻ കേസ് അന്വേഷിച്ച് 2009ൽ സിബിഐ റിപ്പോർട്ട് സമർപ്പിച്ച് എത്രയോ ക‍ഴിഞ്ഞ് 2012ൽ ആണ് ശിവശങ്കർ കെഎസ്ഇബി ചെയർമാൻ ആയത്. ആ പദവി ശിവശങ്കറിന് നൽകിയത് യുഡിഎഫ് സർക്കാരാണ്.

ശിവശങ്കർ സിപിഐ എമ്മിന് പ്രിയങ്കരൻ. ചട്ടങ്ങൾ ലംഘിച്ചാണ് ഐഎഎസ് നൽകിയത്.
●എ കെ ആന്റണി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി ആയിരുന്നപ്പോൾ 1995ൽ ആണ് ശിവശങ്കറിന് ഐഎഎസ് കൺഫർ ചെയ്യുന്നത്.

ശിവശങ്കറിനോടുള്ള പ്രിയം കാരണം മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ സെക്രട്ടറി സ്ഥാനം കൂടാതെ ഐടി സെക്രട്ടറി (ഇരട്ടപദവി) സ്ഥാനം കൂടി നൽകി.
● മുമ്പുള്ള മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിമാരുടെ സെക്രട്ടറിമാരും ഇരട്ട പദവികൾ വഹിച്ചിരുന്നു. ശിവശങ്കർ യുഡിഎഫിന്റെ കാലത്ത് നാല് പദവികൾ വഹിച്ചു.


 

ഈ കള്ളക്കടത്ത് അഭൂതപൂർവമായ സംഭവമാണ്.
●ഇതിനേക്കാൾ വലിയ കള്ളക്കടത്തുകൾ നിരന്തരം അരങ്ങേറിക്കൊണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നു. ഡിപ്ലോമാറ്റിക് ബാഗേജിന്റെ മറവിൽ തന്നെ ഒരു ഡസനോളം തവണ ഇതേസംഘം സ്വർണം കടത്തി എന്ന തെളിവുകൾ ലഭ്യമായി.

കേരളാ പൊലീസ് എഫ്ഐആർ ഇട്ട് അന്വേഷിക്കാത്തത് കള്ളക്കളിയാണ്
● എയർപോർട്ടും അതിലൂടെയുള്ള കള്ളക്കടത്തും കേന്ദ്രഏജൻസിയുടെ അധികാര പരിധിയിൽ വരുന്ന വിഷയമാണ്. കേരളാ പൊലീസ് എഫ്ഐആർ ഇട്ടിരുന്നെങ്കിൽ, അത് കേസ് തേച്ചുമാച്ച് കളയാനുള്ള തന്ത്രമായി വ്യാഖ്യാനിക്കപ്പെടുമായിരുന്നു. ഏതന്വേഷണം വേണമെന്ന് തീരുമാനിക്കുന്നത് കേന്ദ്രസർക്കാരാണ്. ഏതന്വേഷണത്തെയും സ്വാഗതം ചെയ്യുന്നുവെന്ന് കേരളം അറിയിച്ചിരുന്നു.

എൻഐഎയ്ക്ക് ഭീകരവാദം മാത്രമല്ലേ അന്വേഷിക്കാൻ ക‍ഴിയൂ.
● എൻഐഎയ്ക്ക് അവരുടെ അന്വേഷണത്തിൽ ഉരുത്തിരിഞ്ഞ് വരുന്ന ഏത് കാര്യത്തെ കുറിച്ചും അന്വേഷിക്കാൻ നിയമംമൂലം അധികാരമുണ്ട്

മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ ഓഫീസിന്റെ പങ്കിനെ കുറിച്ചുസുപ്രധാന തെളിവുകൾ ഉണ്ടെന്ന് പ്രതിപക്ഷം.
● യുഎപിഎ ആക്ടിന്റെ 43എഫ് പ്രകാരം എന്തെങ്കിലും വിവരമോ തെളിവോ ഉണ്ടെങ്കിൽ അത് അന്വേഷണ ഏജൻസിയെ അറിയിക്കണം.

കേസിൽ പ്രതിയാകപ്പെട്ട സന്ദീപ് നായർ സിപിഐ എമ്മുകാരനാണ്.
● സന്ദീപ് നായർ സജീവ ബിജെപി പ്രവർത്തകനാണെന്ന് അമ്മ തന്നെ സാക്ഷ്യപ്പെടുത്തി. അമ്മയുടെ പ്രസ്താവനയിൽ കൃത്രിമം കാണിച്ച് വിപരീത വാർത്ത സൃഷ്ടിക്കാൻ ശ്രമം നടന്നു.

സ്വപ്‌നയ്ക്ക് സംരക്ഷണം ഒരുക്കിയത് കേരളാ പൊലീസും ഭരണകക്ഷിയും.
●സ്വപ്‌നയുടെ മുൻകൂർ ജ്യാമത്തിന്റെ  വക്കാലത്ത് ഏറ്റെടുത്തത് ഹിന്ദു ഇക്കണോമിക്ക് ഫോറത്തിന്റെ പ്രവർത്തകനായ അഭിഭാഷകൻ.

തിരുവനന്തപുരത്ത് ട്രിപ്പിൾ ലോക്ഡൗൺ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചപ്പോൾ സ്വപ്‌ന രക്ഷപ്പെട്ടത് പൊലീസിന്റെ സഹായത്തോടെ.
● സ്വപ്‌ന രക്ഷപ്പെട്ടത് ട്രിപ്പിൾ ലോക്ഡൗണിന്  മുമ്പ്. അതിർത്തി കടക്കാൻ കേരളത്തിന്റെ  അനുമതി ആവശ്യമില്ല. എന്നാൽ കർണാടകയുടെ പാസ്‌ അനിവാര്യമാണ്. കർണാടക ഭരിക്കുന്ന ബിജെപിയാണ്  സഹായം നൽകിയത് എന്ന് കർണാടക കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവ് വെളിപ്പെടുത്തി

പൊലീസ് എന്തുകൊണ്ട് സ്വപ്‌നയെ പിടിക്കാൻ സഹായിച്ചില്ല.
●  ബംഗളൂരുവിൽനിന്ന് പിടിക്കപ്പെടുന്നതിന്ഏതാനും മണിക്കൂറുകൾക്ക് മുമ്പ് മാത്രമാണ് കേരളാ പൊലീസിന്റെ സഹായം കേന്ദ്രം ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടത്.

സ്വപ്‌നയ്ക്ക് നിയമന ഉത്തരവ് നൽകിയ വിഷൻ ടെക്ക് എന്ന സ്ഥാപനം നിലവിലില്ല.
● ഡൽഹിക്കടുത്ത് ഫരീദാബാദിൽ അങ്ങനെയൊരു സ്ഥാപനം ഉണ്ടെന്നും, അവർ സ്വപ്‌നയ്ക്ക് വേണ്ടി പിഎഫ് വിഹിതം അടച്ചു എന്നും പുറത്തായി. അതേസമയം കേന്ദ്രസർക്കാർ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിലുള്ള എയർ ഇന്ത്യ സാറ്റ്സിൽ സ്വപ്‌ന നിയമനം നേടിയിരുന്നത് ഏത് സർട്ടിഫിക്കറ്റിന്റെ പിൻബലത്തിലാണെന്ന് ആർക്കും ചർച്ച ചെയ്യാൻ താൽപ്പര്യമില്ല.

എം സി ദത്തനെ പോലുള്ള ഒരു ശാസ്ത്രജ്ഞന് സ്വപ്‌നസുരേഷ് ഉപഹാരം നൽകിയത് കടന്നകൈ അല്ലേ.
● പ്രമുഖപത്രത്തിന്റെ എഡിറ്റ് പേജിൽ ഇതിന്റെ പടം നൽകുകയും രോഷം പ്രകടിപ്പിക്കാൻ പ്രസിദ്ധ സിനിമാപ്രവർത്തകനായ ജോയ് മാത്യുവിനെകൊണ്ട് ലേഖനം എ‍ഴുതിക്കുകയും ചെയ്തു. എന്നാൽ മറ്റൊരു വ്യക്തിക്ക് നൽകുന്നതിന് വേണ്ടി ഉപഹാരം എടുത്ത് കൊടുക്കുക മാത്രമാണ് സ്വപ്‌ന ചെയ്തത് എന്ന എം സി ദത്തന്റെ പ്രതികരണം ആരും വാർത്തയാക്കിയില്ല.

മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ മകളുടെ വിവാഹത്തിൽ സ്വപ്‌ന പങ്കെടുത്തു
● വ്യവസായ മന്ത്രി ഇ പി ജയരാജന്റെ ഭാര്യയുടെ ചിത്രത്തിൽ സ്വപ്‌നയെ മോർഫ് ചെയ്ത് ഉൾപ്പെടുത്തിയ ചിത്രമാണ് പ്രചരിപ്പിക്കപ്പെട്ടത്.

സ്വപ്‌നയെ രഹസ്യമായിട്ടാണ് കേരളത്തിന് വെളിയിലേക്ക്‌  കടത്തിയതെന്ന് മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ ആരോപിച്ചു.
● ഒളിവിൽ പോയ സ്വപ്‌നയുടെ ശബ്ദസന്ദേശം മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ തന്നെയാണ് സംപ്രേഷണം ചെയ്തത്. രണ്ടോ മൂന്നോ കൈ മറിഞ്ഞായിരിക്കണം ഇത് എത്തിയിട്ടുണ്ടാകുക. ​സാ​​ധാരണ കേസിലെ ഒരു സോ‍ഴ്സിനെ സംരക്ഷിക്കുന്നതുപോലെയല്ല രാജ്യദ്രോഹകേസിലെ പ്രതിക്ക് കവചം തീർക്കുന്നത്.

മന്ത്രി ജലീൽ സ്വപ്‌നയുടെ ഫോൺ കുരുക്കിൽ
●കുരുക്കും വലയും ഒന്നുമില്ലെന്നും കാര്യം എന്താണെന്ന് വിശദീകരിച്ചും ജലീൽ രംഗത്തുവന്നു. എന്നാൽ അതിന് ബോധപൂർവം  പ്രാധാന്യം നൽകിയില്ല എന്നത് മറ്റൊരു കാര്യം.

മന്ത്രി ജലീൽ വിദേശ വിനിമയ ചട്ടം ലംഘിച്ചു
●അങ്ങനെയൊരു ലംഘനം നടന്നിട്ടുണ്ടെങ്കിൽ ആദ്യം ചോദിക്കേണ്ടത് കോൺസുലേറ്റിനോടാണ്. സക്കാത്ത്‌ വിതരണം ചെയ്യുക എന്നത് കോൺസുലേറ്റുകളും എംബസികളും സ്ഥിരമായി ചെയ്യുന്നതാണ്.

കള്ളക്കടത്തും സംസ്ഥാന ഭരണകക്ഷിയും തമ്മിലുള്ള ബന്ധം വ്യക്തം
● അറസ്റ്റിലായവർ ആരും തന്നെ ഭരണകക്ഷിയുമായി ബന്ധം ഉള്ളവർ അല്ല. മറിച്ച്, ബിജെപി, ലീഗ് എന്നീ പാർടികളുമായി  പ്രകടമായ ബന്ധമുള്ളവരാണ് താനും.

സമ്പൂർണ നയതന്ത്ര പരിരക്ഷ ഉള്ളതുകൊണ്ടാണ്അറ്റാഷെ രാജ്യം വിട്ടത്. അദ്ദേഹം ദുബായിലെത്തി മൂന്ന് ദിവസം കഴിഞ്ഞാണ് മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ ഇക്കാര്യമറിഞ്ഞത്.
● എംബസിക്കുള്ള നയതന്ത്ര പരിരക്ഷ കോൺസുലേറ്റിനില്ല. രണ്ടും രണ്ട് പ്രോട്ടോകോൾ പ്രകാരം ഉള്ളതാണ്. കോൺസുലേറ്റിലുള്ള ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥർക്ക് നയതന്ത്ര ദൗത്യങ്ങൾക്ക് മാത്രമേ  പരിരക്ഷയുള്ളൂ. അറ്റാഷെയുമായി കൂടിക്കാഴ്ച നടത്തുന്നതിന് നിയമ തടസ്സം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നില്ല.

യുഎഇ കോൺസുലേറ്റ് ജനറലിനുള്ള സെക്യൂരിറ്റി നൽകിയത് നിയമവിരുദ്ധം.
● കേന്ദ്ര ആഭ്യന്തരമന്ത്രാലയത്തിന്റെ പ്രതിനിധി കൂടി പങ്കെടുത്ത സുരക്ഷാ പുനഃപരിശോധന സമിതിയുടേതാണ് ഈ നിയമനം.

വിവാദ പൊലീസുകാരൻ ജയഘോഷിന്റെ നിയമനത്തിൽ തെറ്റുപറ്റി.
●സെൻകുമാർ ഡിജിപി ആയിരുന്നപ്പോ‍ഴാണ് ഈ തീരുമാനം കൈക്കൊണ്ടത്. അദ്ദേഹം ഇന്ന്സംഘ പരിവാറിന്റെ സജീവപ്രചാരകനാണ്.

സിപിഐ എം  സെക്രട്ടറിയറ്റിൽ  (ജൂലൈ17) മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിക്കും ഓഫീസിനും എതിരെ കടുത്ത വിമർശനം.
●അത്തരത്തിൽ ഒന്നും ഇല്ലെന്ന് പാർടി സെക്രട്ടറി തന്നെ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു. വാർത്തകൾ തിരുത്താൻ മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ കൂട്ടാക്കിയില്ല. അഭിപ്രായഭിന്നതയുടെ ആദ്യ സ്ക്രോൾ ഒരു ചാനലിൽ വരുന്നത് രാവിലെ 10.28ന് ആണ്. യോഗം ആരംഭിച്ചതോ 10.30ന്. 10 ന്‌ യോഗം തുടങ്ങിയിട്ടുണ്ടാകും എന്ന കണക്കുകൂട്ടലിൽ ആയിരുന്നു ഈ സ്ക്രോൾ.


 

പിഡബ്ല്യുസി പോലുള്ള കൺസൾട്ടൻസികൾ കേരളത്തിൽ വന്നിറങ്ങുന്നത് എൽഡിഎഫ്‌ കാലത്ത്
● മുൻ സർക്കാരിന്റെ എല്ലാ പദ്ധതികൾക്കും പിഡബ്ല്യുസി ഉൾപ്പെടെയുള്ള കൺസൾട്ടൻസികളുടെ സേവനം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു. മാത്രമല്ല കേന്ദ്രസർക്കാരും മറ്റെല്ലാ സംസ്ഥാന സർക്കാരുകളും അവലംബിക്കുന്ന രീതിയാണ്ഇത്.

പിഡബ്ല്യുസിക്ക് സെക്രട്ടറിയറ്റിൽ ഇരിപ്പിടം കൊടുക്കുന്നത്‌ വലിയ അപരാധം.
● കൺസൾട്ടൻസി വിദഗ്ധർക്ക് കേരളം ഒഴിച്ചുള്ള ഒട്ടുമിക്കവാറും സർക്കാർ മന്ദിരങ്ങളിൽ ഇരിപ്പിടങ്ങൾ നൽകിയിട്ടുണ്ട്. നിതി ആയോഗ് മുതൽ കരസേനാ ആസ്ഥാനത്ത് വരെ ഇരിപ്പിടങ്ങൾ നൽകിയിട്ടുണ്ട്.

പി ഡബ്ല്യു സി പോലുള്ള കൺസൾട്ടൻസികൾക്ക് കേരളത്തിൽ ചാകര.
● ഇന്ത്യയിൽ പിഡബ്ല്യുസിയുടെ സർക്കാരുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട കൺസൾട്ടൻസികളുടെ വാർഷിക വിറ്റുവരവ് 800 കോടി രൂപയാണ്. കേരളത്തിന്റെ കാര്യത്തിൽ ഇത് 10 കോടിക്ക് അടുത്താണ്.

തെളിവ് നശിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി സെക്രട്ടറിയറ്റിലെ സിസിടിവി കേടുവരുത്തി.
● ഏപ്രിലിൽ കേടായ ഒരു ഉപകരണം മാറ്റി വച്ചതിനുള്ള ചെലവ് അനുവദിച്ച ചീഫ് സെക്രട്ടറിയുടെ ഉത്തരവാണ് ഈ രീതിയിൽ വളച്ചൊടിച്ചത്. സ്വാഭാവികമായിട്ടും സിസിടിവി ദൃശ്യങ്ങൾ പരിശോധിക്കുമെന്ന് പ്രാരംഭ ഘട്ടത്തിൽ തന്നെ ഇതേ മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ വാർത്ത നൽകിയിരുന്നു.

റീബിൽഡ് കേരളയുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട് പുതുതായി ചേർക്കപ്പെട്ട രണ്ട് കമ്പനികൾക്ക് ഇന്ത്യയിൽ പ്രവൃത്തിപരിചയമില്ല.
● ഇതിൽ ആദ്യം പരാമർശിച്ച കമ്പനി നെതർലൻഡ്സ് ആസ്ഥാനമായ റോയൽ ഹസ്‌കോണിങ്‌ എന്ന സ്ഥാപനമാണ്. ഇന്ത്യൻ നാവിക സേനയുടെ “ പ്രോജക്റ്റ് സീബേർഡ്” എന്ന അഭിമാന പദ്ധതിയുടെ കൺസൾട്ടന്റാണ് ഈ സ്ഥാപനം. ബംഗളൂരു സിറ്റിയുടെ പുതിയ മാസ്റ്റർപ്ലാനും കൊച്ചി ഇന്റർനാഷണൽ കണ്ടെയ്നർഷിപ്പിന്റെ കൺസൾട്ടസിയും ഈ സ്ഥാപനത്തിനുണ്ട്. ട്രക്ട്ബെൽ എന്ന ബെൽജിയം കമ്പനിയുടെ  ഇന്ത്യയിലെ പ്രവൃത്തിപരിചയത്തിൽ ജപ്പാൻ കുടി‍വെള്ള പദ്ധതിയും ഉൾപ്പെടുന്നു, ഈ  രണ്ട് കമ്പനികളുടെ കാര്യത്തിൽ അന്തിമ തീരുമാനം സർക്കാർ ഇനിയും എടുത്തിട്ടില്ല.

മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ നെതർലൻഡ്സ് സന്ദർശനത്തിന്സഹായം ചെയ്തതുകൊണ്ടാണ് ഈ നിർദേശം.
● നെതർലൻഡ്സിലെ ചെലവ് മു‍ഴുവൻ വഹിച്ചത് ഇന്ത്യൻ എംബസിയാണെന്ന് എംബസിയുടെ ചാൻസറി മേധാവി പ്രണയ്സിൻഹ സ്ഥിരീകരിച്ചിട്ടുണ്ട്.


Read more: https://www.deshabhimani.com/articles/news-articles-25-07-2020/884678
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