പ്രകാശം
Sunday, July 13, 2025
കൂമ്പാരമേഘങ്ങൾ രൂപം കൊള്ളുന്നു. കോരി ഒഴിക്കുന്ന പെയ്ത്തിന്റെ പ്രകൃതം മാറുന്നു
Why is Trump taking aim at BRICS?
What is the grouping’s position on creating a BRICS common currency? What about India’s stance?
Suhasini Haidar
The story so far:
U.S. President Donald Trump’s threat to impose 10% tariffs on members of the BRICS grouping that held a summit in Rio de Janeiro this week is the latest in a series of similar threats.
Why is BRICS in Mr. Trump’s cross-hairs?
Even before he was sworn in as U.S. President for the second time, Donald Trump had made it clear that he saw the BRICS grouping as “anti-American” and a threat to the dollar that he needed to neutralise. On November 30 last year, Mr. Trump said the U.S. would require BRICS members to commit that they would not create a new BRICS common currency, “nor back any other currency to replace the mighty U.S. dollar”, threatening 100% tariffs on them. It’s a threat he has repeated several times since. Mr. Trump’s irritation appears to stem from BRICS declarations in South Africa in 2023 and Russia in 2024, where members, that now also include Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the UAE, discussed a BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative, that aims to facilitate trade and investment within BRICS countries using local currencies and other mechanisms. The initiative built momentum due to the problems Western sanctions on Russia have meant for trading partners in the Global South.
What has the U.S. threatened to do?
Last Sunday, just as BRICS leaders gathered in Rio for the 17th BRICS summit, Mr. Trump said in a social media post that any country aligning with BRICS would face a 10% added tariff. The penalty was “just for that one thing” of being a member, Mr. Trump said later. It is unclear why the tariff rate was dropped to a tenth from the original threat of 100%, and even whether Mr. Trump will go through with the BRICS tariffs along with other reciprocal tariffs planned for August 1. But there seems little doubt that Mr. Trump wants BRICS de-fanged. “You can tell the (U.S.) President is (upset) every time he looks at the BRICS de-dollarisation effort…(and) Rio didn’t help,” said Steve Bannon, Trump’s former White House chief strategist, according to Politico magazine. In addition, the Trump administration has slapped 50% tariffs on Brazil, after accusing President Lula da Silva of a “witch-hunt” against former Brazil President Jair Bolsonaro who faces charges on attempted coup. It has also imposed 30% tariffs on South Africa, after accusing it of unequal trade, as well as expressing concerns over the treatment of Afrikaners (White South Africans). Republican Senators close to Mr. Trump also plan to bring a bill called the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025 that seeks to place 500% tariffs on imports of oil and sanctioned Russian products, which would hurt Russia, as well as India and China, its two biggest importers.
Are Mr. Trump’s concerns valid?
Mr. Trump’s concerns about de-dollarisation have been denied by practically every BRICS member. The South African Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a detailed statement explaining why the BRICS attempt to use national currencies within the grouping is not the same as replacing the dollar as the global standard. While anti-U.S. rhetoric of some BRICS leaders has been harsh, the wording of the BRICS Rio declaration 2025 issued this week does not directly challenge the U.S. or the dollar. In the operative Paragraph 50, the leaders said they resolved to task ministers of finance and central bank governors, “to continue the discussion on the BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative, and acknowledge the progress made by the BRICS Payment Task Force (BPTF) in identifying possible pathways to support the continuation of discussions on the potential for greater interoperability of BRICS payment systems.” Paragraph 13 expressed “serious concerns” over the rise of unilateral tariff and non-tariff measures, but didn’t name the U.S.
Where does India stand?
The Modi government, hopeful of clinching a Free Trade Agreement with the U.S., has strenuously objected to Mr. Trump’s categorisation of the BRICS as “anti-American”. In a parliamentary response on December 2, 2024, the MoS (Finance) Pankaj Chaudhury made it clear that the U.S. allegations referred to a report prepared by Russia during its chairmanship of BRICS, where it had spoken of “possible alternatives relating to cross-border payments, and “leveraging existing technology to find an alternative currency”. He added that the report was only “taken note of” by other BRICS members, not adopted. In March 2025, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was more categorical, saying there is no Indian policy to replace the dollar. He conceded, however, that BRICS members had differences, and there was no unified position of the grouping on the issue.
In March 2025, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was more categorical in saying there is no Indian policy to replace the dollar
https://epaper.thehindu.com/ccidist-ws/th/th_kochi/issues/139458/OPS/GVOEKJ7SQ.1.png?cropFromPage=true
What is the state of inequality in India?
Why is calculating the actual level of income and wealth inequality in India extremely difficult? What are the methods? Does the picture of low and falling inequality as outlined by the World Bank characterise the current reality of India? Where is wealth concentrated in India?
Rahul Menon
The story so far:
A recent report by the World Bank has generated significant debate with regard to the true picture of inequality in the Indian economy. The report outlined a number of salutary outcomes; not only had extreme poverty reduced drastically, inequality had reduced too. The Gini coefficient — a measure of inequality that ranges from 0 to 1, with 1 indicating extreme inequality — had fallen from 0.288 in 2011-12 to 0.255 in 2022-23, making India an economy with one of the lowest levels of inequality in the world.
What followed?
This finding was highlighted by the government as a vindication of its growth policies and economic management. However, as plenty of commentators have pointed out, the facts highlighted by the World Bank do not provide a true picture of inequality in the country. While inequality in consumption may be low — which is in itself a contested fact — income and wealth inequality in India are extremely high and have increased over time, making India one of the most unequal economies in the world.
What is consumption inequality?
The inequality figures detailed by the World Bank are not of income or wealth, but of consumption. This is problematic for several reasons. First, inequality in consumption will always be lower than inequality in wealth or income. A poorer household will spend a majority of its income on the necessities of life, and will have very little savings. If its income doubles, consumption spending will not double, since the household will now be able to save some amount of its income; its consumption levels will not rise in the same proportion as their incomes. Thus, consumption inequality will always be less than income or wealth inequality.
Second, there are certain problems with the use of databases for the calculation of inequality. Data on consumption spending comes from the Household Consumption Expenditure Surveys (HCES) of 2011-12 and 2022-23. These surveys may provide accurate information on low levels of expenditure, but are unable to capture extremely high incomes, thus providing an under-estimation of inequality. Furthermore, there have been significant methodological changes between the two surveys that render them incompatible, and do not allow for a comparison of inequality levels over time. This has been pointed out not just by several researchers, but the official release of the HCES for 2022-23 also cautions against simple comparisons.
What are the levels of income and wealth inequality?
The low Gini mentioned by the World Bank, therefore, relates to consumption inequality, and cannot be compared to levels of income inequality worldwide. What is the true level of income inequality?
Calculating the actual level of income and wealth inequality in India is extremely difficult, since official surveys tend to miss out on extremely high levels of income and wealth. However, researchers at the World Inequality Database (WID), led by Thomas Piketty, have analysed several sources of data, including national-level surveys, tax records, and published lists of the extremely rich in India, estimating more accurate indicators of inequality. These estimates provide a more sobering look at the state of inequality in India.
The Gini coefficient for pre-tax income for India in 2022-23 is 0.61; out of 218 economies considered in the WID, there are 170 economies with a lower level of inequality, making India one of the most unequal economies in the world. The picture is not much better when considering wealth inequality. India’s Gini coefficient for wealth inequality is 0.75, implying that wealth is far more concentrated than income or consumption. Even though wealth Gini is high, other countries have far greater wealth concentrations; there are 67 countries with a lower wealth Gini than India.
As shown in the figures in Table 1, the Gini coefficient for income has shown a significant rise, from 0.47 in 2000 to 0.61 in 2023. Wealth inequality has risen in a lower proportion, only because levels of wealth inequality have been so high to begin with. The Gini for wealth inequality rose from 0.7 in 2000 to 0.75 in 2023. Either way, the picture of low and falling inequality as outlined by the World Bank does not characterise the current reality of India.
In fact, the use of the Gini understates the sheer concentration of wealth occurring in India today. The Gini coefficient is an aggregate measure, and takes into account the entire range of observations. It does not provide information on the relative share of wealth or income held by a fraction of the population. When considering wealth concentration of the top 1%, India emerges as one of the most unequal economies in the world. According to data from the WID, in 2022-23, the top 1% of adults in India controlled almost 40% of net personal wealth. There are only four economies with a higher level of wealth concentration — Uruguay, Eswatini (Swaziland), Russia and South Africa.
Is a reduction in consumption inequality on expected lines?
The story over the past few decades is one of rising incomes and inequality, and not a reduction. In fact, a reduction in consumption inequality is not unexpected in such a scenario. As incomes rise, assuming that there is no fall in real incomes of the poor (an outcome which some authors such as Utsa Patnaik assert has actually happened), the consumption of the poor would rise in a greater proportion than middle and upper classes, who would be able to save much more out of their rising incomes. The higher incomes of upper classes would allow for greater levels of saving, which can then be transformed into greater levels of wealth. Consumption inequality can reduce even when income inequality and wealth inequality rise; all these outcomes characterise the Indian economy today. What is of significance is the extreme concentration of incomes and wealth that have accompanied growth in India today, making it one of the most unequal economies in the world, an outcome that has consequences for future growth prospects of the economy.
Rahul Menon is Associate Professor in the Jindal School of Government and Public Policy at O.P. Jindal Global University.
Data on consumption spending comes from the Household Consumption Expenditure Surveys (HCES) of 2011-12 and 2022-23. These surveys may provide accurate information on low levels of expenditure, but are unable to capture extremely high incomes. Furthermore, there have been significant methodological changes between the two surveys
Kerala an example of ‘welfare magnet State’”©A.S. Jayanth
A.S. Jayanth
Kozhikode
Kerala has set an example of a “welfare magnet State” through its “systematic and organised labour welfare initiatives and inclusive development”, especially for migrant labourers, says a paper presented at the ‘Regulating for Decent Work’ conference of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) at Geneva between July 2 and 4.
The paper, presented by K. Ravi Raman, member, State Planning Board, also suggests the possibility of designing a better economic and fiscal strategy towards the migrant welfare system, including an “exclusive budget” for the guest workers. The cost to the State to ensure dignified work and living conditions for them by maintaining welfare benefits for another five years is estimated to be ₹454 crore.
Mr. Raman says that Kerala was the first State to implement the Inter-State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979, “in letter and spirit,” by registering those who bring workers to the State and by providing a comprehensive welfare package for the workers.
The government introduced the Kerala Migrant Workers’ Welfare Scheme, jointly implemented by the Kerala Building and Other Construction Workers’ Welfare Board and the Labour department. The social safety net includes health and education assistance, death benefits, financial aid for repatriating the body of a deceased worker, financial relief for those who are permanently disabled and unable to work, medical benefits, terminal benefits, educational grants, and maternity benefits. The welfare schemes are implemented by the Labour department, the Welfare Board, and the State Health Agency.
Migrants are able to generate an average surplus income or savings of about ₹4,000 per month. Moreover, around 32% of them remit more than ₹30,000 per year.
It is estimated that the annual outflow to other States from Kerala is between ₹7,500 crore and ₹8,000 crore.
The paper points out that rapid urbanisation, demographic shifts, and changes in fertility rates are key factors contributing to Kerala’s current status as a favoured destination for inter-State migrants.
The State has the highest proportion of elderly people — the non-working-age population — at around 14%, well above the national average of 9%. The total fertility rate has declined to 1.5, well below the replacement level. This drop has led to a shrinking domestic labour pool, a trend that is even more pronounced among the Scheduled Castes, from whom a significant portion of the workforce is drawn.
The State’s average population growth rate is expected to turn negative within a decade, with some districts having already arrived at this figures.
With mortality and fertility rates reaching saturation, Kerala’s demand for workers continues to rise and is currently being met by inter-State migrants. The wages on offer are also higher — ₹893.6 compared to the all-India average of ₹417.3.
Migration typically occurs from high-fertility, low-wage regions to low-fertility, high-wage regions. However, Mr. Raman points out that with declining fertility rates and rising wages in the sending States, Kerala is likely to witness a drop in the number of inter-State migrants in the near future.
Friday, July 11, 2025
Aiding India’s progress with choice, control and capital©Shrishti Pandey
Shrishti Pandey
is Manager, Social and Economic Empowerment,
IPE Global (international development consulting firm)
Ashish Mukherjee
is Vice-President, Social and Economic Empowerment,
IPE Global
Raghwesh Ranjan
is Senior Director, Social and Economic Empowerment,
IPE Global
With the world’s population having crossed the eight billion mark, looking at the macros is all but natural. However, there has to be an equal focus on the micro-vulnerable groups, key populations and individuals on the fringes. We must endeavour to ensure that the promise of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (ICDP) is kept, and that every person gets the right to make informed choices about their sexual and reproductive health, free from coercion, discrimination and violence.
This year, the United Nations has announced its theme for World Population Day as “Empowering young people to create the families they want in a fair and hopeful world”. It highlights the ICDP’s special focus on youth, by affirming their right to accurate information, education and services in order to make informed decisions about their sexual and reproductive health. It also reflects a simple but pressing need: of bringing youth to the centre when envisioning the future, ensuring their freedom of choice and opportunities.
Home to the largest youth population
UNICEF reports there being 371 million youth in the age group of 15 to 29 years in India, making it the world’s largest youth population. This is a number that stretches existing resources and systems. But with the right investments in education, skills and also access to health, nutrition, and family planning services, it can become a powerful driver of national progress. Unleashing this youth potential in India could boost its GDP by up to $1 trillion by 2030, unlocking a demographic divide as projected by the World Bank and NITI Aayog, while significantly reducing unemployment and improving social outcomes.
India has made significant strides with initiatives such as ‘Beti Bachao Beti Padhao’ and the National Adolescent Health Programme, reducing child marriage and adolescent fertility rates. Yet, there is still room to do more as a nation in order to address persistent challenges such as limited reproductive autonomy, socio-cultural barriers and gender inequality. These continue to restrict many young people (especially young women) from realising their true potential.
For instance, the prevalence of child marriages in India has reduced by half since 2006, but is still reported at 23.3% (National Family Health Survey-5, 2019-21). Further, teenage childbearing among women in the age group of 15 to 19 years was pegged at 7% nationally. But in some States, the rate was reported to be more than double, highlighting stark regional disparities (National Family Health Survey-5). In addition, the recently published State of World Population Report 2025 by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) underscores the lack of reproductive autonomy and the crisis of fertility aspirations, particularly among women. More than a third of Indian adults (36%) face unintended pregnancies, while another 30% reported unmet reproductive goals, i.e., an inability to exercise their choice about the number of children they have. Almost 23% of Indian adults faced both.
Issue of child marriage
The need is for a comprehensive, multi-pronged strategy which includes education, contraception access, nutrition, mental health support and community empowerment to tackle the root causes rather than addressing symptoms.
UNICEF reports that each additional year of secondary education can reduce the likelihood of child marriage by up to 6%. Project Udaan (implemented by IPE Global in Rajasthan between 2017 and 2022), used this as its basis; it became an example of how a streamlined, 360° approach can drive meaningful change for young people.
The initiative addressed the challenge of early marriages and teenage pregnancies by keeping girls in secondary school through the strategic use of government scholarship schemes, improving their awareness of sexual and reproductive health, and improving access to modern contraceptives for young women, which helped bolster the voice and reproductive agency of girls and women. The initiative led to almost 30,000 child marriages being prevented and nearly 15,000 teenage pregnancies being averted, while also ensuring an education and a bright future for these girls.
Similarly, the Advika programme, launched by the Government of Odisha in partnership with UNICEF-UNFPA in 2019-20, has made strides in preventing child marriage through strategies which include strengthening state systems, fostering awareness about child protection issues, and empowering adolescents through education, skill development and leadership training. Its youth-focused approach has enabled about 11,000 villages to be declared child marriage-free; in 2022, nearly 950 child marriages were stopped.
Addressing child marriage and early pregnancy is essential, but true empowerment means going further — equipping adolescents, especially girls, with the skills, the education and the opportunities they need to lead independent and meaningful lives, while also fostering enabling environments that support their agency, voice and participation in decisions that affect them. This includes the timing of their marriage, reproductive freedom (whether or not to have children, the age at which they have the first child, the number of children they wish to have), or how they choose to live meaningful lives on their own terms. At the heart of this empowerment lies economic independence. When economically empowered, women gain the resources, the confidence and the voice to shape their futures and contribute meaningfully to society.
To address the issues surrounding women’s economic empowerment and the low female labour force participation, Project Manzil is being implemented by IPE Global in collaboration with the Government of Rajasthan in six selected districts (2019-25). The programme which utilises a human-centred design approach, understands the aspirations of young women, then aligns skill training with these aspirations, and enables them to have unhindered access to dignified employment opportunities at gender-friendly workplaces. As with all effective programmes, this has been complemented with addressing harmful social norms through consistent behaviour change communication strategies. The project has made families prosperous and has also transformed communities. For instance, it helped 28,000 young women (ages 18 to 21 years) to complete skill training at government skill training centres — 16,000 were employed, making them the first generation of women from their communities to enter skilled professions. Empowered by financial stability, these young women exude better negotiation power to delay or get married.
Accelerating progress
The State of World Population 2025 report aptly focuses on rights-based, multi-sector investments and underscores that progress hinges on expanding universal access to contraception, safe abortion, maternal health and infertility care, and also in removing structural barriers such as education, housing, childcare and workplace flexibility. It also emphasises that investing in girls’ education, life-skills development, conditional cash transfers, community mobilisation and health services delivers measurable gains. Programmes such as Udaan, Advika and Manzil showcase how these investments can be brought to life and improve the future of youth everywhere.
The UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, has rightly called for this World Population Day to celebrate the potential and the promise the largest-ever generation of youth holds. It is important to remember that they are entitled to shape their futures by making informed choices about their health, families, careers and lives. India stands at a defining moment on its development journey, and its success will depend on how well it can understand the aspirations of its youth, amplifying the voices of young women, and helping unlock opportunities for them.
With the right investments in education, skills and access to health, nutrition and family planning services, India’s youth population can boost national progress
Tuesday, July 8, 2025
Rising seas, shifting lives and a test of democratic values

Bhoomika Choudhury
is an international lawyer and researcher specialising in business and human rights, corporate accountability, and labour rights
Rising seas, shifting lives and a test of democratic values
The intensifying impacts of climate change are reshaping India’s coastline resulting in an environmental phenomenon and also profound social and economic rupture. Across the eastern and western seaboards, communities that are historically dependent on agriculture, fishing, and coastal ecosystems are being displaced by rising seas, saltwater intrusion, and the cumulative effects of unregulated development. This has triggered migration, pushing displaced populations into precarious urban labour markets without legal protection or adequate state support.
In Odisha, once thriving coastal settlements such as Satabhaya have been swallowed by the sea, forcing villagers to relocate to government resettlement colonies that often fail to provide sustainable livelihoods. In Karnataka’s Honnavar taluk, traditional fishing communities face dispossession as ports, tourism projects, and mangrove destruction accelerate coastal degradation. Similar patterns are unfolding in Tamil Nadu’s Nagapattinam, Gujarat’s Kutch region, and the flood-prone lowlands of Kerala.
Projects and environmental degradation
Industrial and infrastructural expansion along coastal zones — from port development under the Sagarmala programme to energy projects and commercial aquaculture — have compounded ecological degradation. Mangrove forests, sand dunes and wetlands that historically buffered coastal communities have been systematically cleared.
Environmental clearances for many projects have overlooked cumulative climate risks, leading to a development model that intensifies ecological and social vulnerabilities. The displaced populations are increasingly getting absorbed into the informal economy as construction workers, brick kiln labourers and domestic workers in urban centres such as Bhubaneswar, Chennai, Hyderabad and Mumbai.
These migration patterns often result in systemic labour exploitation, which include debt bondage (displaced families take wage advances to survive, tying them into exploitative labour conditions); lack of legal protections (informal workers have little or no access to rights under India’s labour laws, such as the Building and Other Construction Workers’ (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1996) and gendered exploitation (displaced women entering domestic work face heightened risks of abuse, underpayment, and trafficking).
Legal lacunae on climate displacement
The absence of a coherent legal framework on climate-induced migration exacerbates this crisis. While Article 21 of the Constitution guarantees the right to life and dignity, there is no specific legislation that addresses the rights of those displaced by slow-onset climate disasters. Existing frameworks such as the Disaster Management Act, 2005, the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, and the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Notifications, including the diluted CRZ 2019, are limited either to disaster response or environmental conservation, without adequately factoring in the socio-economic dimensions of displacement.
The National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) and State Action Plans recognise vulnerability, but lack targeted strategies for the rehabilitation of displaced populations or integration into labour markets.
The CRZ Notification, 2019, intended to streamline clearances and promote sustainable coastal management, has often been critiqued for prioritising tourism and industrial development over the rights of coastal communities. Across States, the dilution of zoning regulations has led to a surge in commercial projects in fragile coastal belts, displacing traditional fishing communities without their informed consent — a principle enshrined in national law and international environmental standards. Even India’s landmark Labour Codes are silent on extending specific protections to climate migrants.
Environmental justice jurisprudence from the Supreme Court of India — in M.C. Mehta vs Union of India (1987) and Indian Council for Enviro-Legal Action vs Union of India (1996) — has recognised the intrinsic link between the environment and fundamental human rights. Yet, the translation of these principles into robust, community-centric legal frameworks on climate displacement remains lacking.
The story of displacement is also the story of resilience. Coastal communities, particularly fisherfolk unions and indigenous groups, have resisted ecologically destructive projects with remarkable tenacity. The protests against the Adani ports expansion at Ennore Creek, Tamil Nadu, the Pattuvam Mangrove Protection Movement in Kerala, and the Save Satabhaya campaign in Odisha underscore how grass-roots mobilisations have challenged mainstream development narratives.
However, environmental defenders face intimidation, surveillance and criminalisation which are antithetical to India’s constitutional commitment to protect the rights to protest and association. New challenges also emerge as climate change is weaponised to justify “managed retreat” without participatory planning or safeguards for the displaced.
Towards a rights-based framework
Recognition of climate migrants within national migration and urban planning policies is essential. There is a need for a rights-based approach that guarantees decent work, housing, education and health care. Labour codes must be revised to explicitly extend protections to climate migrants, especially in sectors such as construction and domestic work where informality is rampant. Similarly, coastal zone management must be revisited to prioritise ecological sustainability and community rights over commercial interests. India’s commitment to achieving Sustainable Development Goal Target 8.7 — eliminating forced labour and ensuring decent work for all — is contingent upon addressing the new vulnerabilities created by climate displacement.
If climate change is the defining challenge of our era, responding to climate-induced displacement must be at the core of India’s adaptation strategy. Protecting the rights, dignity, and livelihoods of those most impacted is not just an environmental necessity. It is a test of India’s democratic and constitutional values.
Climate change is affecting India’s coastal communities with a deep social and economic impact